Cam & Ray's Cold War Podcast

This week we're deep in the early days of Castro's Cuba — watching a revolutionary figure out he's now got to actually run a country. We cover Castro's sweeping reforms: dissolving Congress, banning political parties, freezing corrupt officials' assets, and the messy reality of ruling from outside the government before finally taking the job of Prime Minister. Along the way, Cameron and Ray dig into why Latin America has never managed to unite against US interference — and why, in 2026, that failure is playing out in real time as Cuba goes dark.

This week we dig into the messy aftermath of Castro's victory — the revolutionary tribunals, the firing squads, and the international blowback that followed. We also get into Fidel's complicated personal life, including his stunning mistress Naty Revuelta, his secret illegitimate daughter Alina, and the gatekeeper Celia Sanchez who kept everyone at arm's length. Plus, Britain tells Castro to get stuffed when he asks for an apology, and Castro fires back at American media hypocrisy with some genuinely ballsy rhetoric.

It's January 1959, and Fidel Castro has just pulled off the impossible — a ragtag band of bearded rebels from the Sierra Maestra mountains has toppled the Batista dictatorship, and all of Cuba is euphoric. In Episode 304 of A Cold War, Cameron and Ray follow Castro's triumphant five-day journey from Santiago to Havana, tracking the 32-year-old revolutionary as he rolls into the capital on top of a tank, delivers a famously humble speech at Camp Columbia with a white dove settling on his shoulder, and is introduced to 50 million Americans via a very enthusiastic Ed Sullivan. But the honeymoon can't last forever. Behind the jubilation lies a country that needs to be governed, and Castro — equal parts rock star, military commander, and political improviser — is only sleeping two or three hours a night while trying to hold together a fractious coalition of communists, right-wingers, student radicals, and old rebels, none of whom entirely agree on what comes next. The rival Directorio Revolucionario seizes tanks and weapons demanding their share of glory, the new president Manuel Urrutia is already a problem in the making, and Che Guevara is quietly recovering from asthma at a beach house, wrestling with his own role in the new order. Celia Sánchez controls access to Castro like a one-woman firewall, while Castro himself roams Havana in a Jeep, micromanaging everything and holding shadow meetings with Communist Party secretary Blas Roca, knowing he needs their discipline and organisation but unable to admit it publicly. Cameron and Ray draw brilliant parallels between Castro's messianic arrival and Elvis Presley's Vegas comeback — both men defying expectations, both arriving in a blaze of spectacle after years in the wilderness — and ask the big question: can a revolutionary actually become a ruler?

It’s April 1958, and Cuba is a powder keg with a sputtering fuse. Fulgencio Batista is bleeding support from every direction — the church, the business elite, even his American backers — while Fidel Castro’s rebel movement is growing stronger in the Sierra Maestra mountains.

Episode 300 marks a major waypoint for the Cold War Podcast, and the discussion dives straight back into the hard mechanics of revolution. Castro is alive, hiding in the Sierra Maestra with a tiny guerrilla force, but survival alone isn’t victory. This episode explores the real problem facing Fidel Castro in 1957: how to overthrow a dictator when you barely have a few dozen fighters, almost no supplies, and multiple rival revolutionary movements competing for legitimacy. Cameron and Ray unpack how revolutions are built in parallel layers—mountain guerrillas, urban resistance networks, propaganda operations, logistics pipelines, and political alliances—and how Castro slowly stitched these together into something that looked like a shadow government. The episode focuses heavily on Castro’s extraordinary media strategy, his manipulation of foreign journalists, and the way American media unexpectedly turned him into a global celebrity before he ever seized power. Along the way, the discussion examines the growing ideological tensions between urban moderates and radical guerrillas, the role of figures like Che Guevara, Celia Sánchez, and Frank País, and the contradictions of courting middle-class support while drifting steadily toward Marxism. By the end, the revolution is no longer just a jungle insurgency—it’s a fragile, volatile coalition hurtling toward open confrontation.

In this episode, Cameron and Ray pick up the Cuban Revolution story at its most fragile moment: Fidel Castro has just landed in eastern Cuba with 82 men, most of them dead, scattered, or captured within days. Batista’s regime confidently declares Castro dead, the international press runs with it, and the revolution appears finished before it has begun. But history, as usual, has other plans. From hiding under sugarcane leaves to scraping together a band of 19 survivors in the Sierra Maestra, Castro learns guerrilla warfare the hard way. The episode traces his first small victories, the brutal countermeasures of the Batista regime, and the human cost borne by peasants caught in between. The story then pivots to one of the most consequential acts of propaganda in Cold War history: Castro’s calculated courtship of the international press. Through Herbert Matthews’ risky journey into the mountains and his front-page New York Times reporting, the world learns that Fidel Castro is very much alive, organised, and growing. This episode explores how myth, media, theatre, and violence intertwine at the birth of a revolution—and how a handful of men with rifles, cigars, and a journalist changed global perceptions overnight.

Fidel Castro’s first attempt to ignite revolution in Cuba ends in disaster — but also forges the legend. We follow the aftermath of the failed 1953 Moncada Barracks raid: the brutal reprisals, Fidel’s near-execution, the unlikely lieutenant who saves him, the public opinion shift as Batista’s regime overreaches, and Fidel’s transformation from fiery idealist to imprisoned revolutionary intellectual. We hear how History Will Absolve Me is born, what Fidel is reading behind bars (spoiler: Trotsky and Roosevelt), and how his personal life gets… complicated. By the time he’s released after only two years, Castro is no longer just a nuisance — he’s become the most famous man in Cuba and an unstoppable symbol of rebellion. 

In this episode, Cam and Ray bring their trademark banter and historical nerdery to the story of Fidel Castro’s first attempt at revolution — the ill-fated 1953 Moncada Barracks attack. What starts as a coup joke about Batista’s boredom quickly spirals into a lively mix of history and comedy. We follow a 26-year-old Fidel as he decides that ballots and lawsuits won’t topple a corrupt regime, so he turns to bullets instead. The episode explores his planning, paranoia, and sheer audacity as he leads a small group of poorly armed men in a doomed assault on one of Cuba’s largest military garrisons. Along the way, the boys detour into mobsters, Catholic apostles, ham-radio fanatics, and whether Ray actually has friends who play pool. By the end, we’re left with Fidel’s first great failure — the Moncada disaster — and the foreshadowing of the revolution to come.

In this episode of Cold War, Cameron and Ray dig into the aftermath of Batista’s March 1952 coup in Cuba and how it shaped Fidel Castro’s early strategies. The conversation explores Castro’s proclamation denouncing the coup, his first failed attempts to rally the public, and why the Cuban people weren’t yet ready for revolution. We see how Castro pivoted from politics to pamphlets, protests, lawsuits, and eventually the realization that only a professional revolutionary force could succeed. Along the way, the hosts connect Batista’s propaganda playbook with U.S. media bias, draw parallels to Iran’s 1953 coup, and reflect on the timeless tactics of seizing power. They also detour into the Mob’s growing influence in Havana and the darker history of honeypot operations linking Epstein, Maxwell, and intelligence agencies.

In this episode of The Cold War, Cameron and Ray take us to Havana in 1952, when Fulgencio Batista staged a meticulously planned coup d’état. They walk through the midnight maneuvers at Camp Columbia, the arrest of generals, the swift control of communication hubs, and the apathy of the Cuban people after years of corruption. We see how Batista positioned himself as “the man” while suspending civil liberties, dissolving Congress, and reassuring both the Americans and local elites. Alongside this, Fidel Castro makes his first serious moves as a revolutionary—drafting a proclamation condemning Batista’s coup and beginning the trajectory that would define his life. The conversation ties Batista’s actions to lessons from Rome, Mussolini, and even contemporary American politics, blending history, irony, and sharp commentary.

In this episode, Cameron and Ray continue the story of Fidel Castro’s early years, charting his transformation from a fiery young activist entangled with street gangs into a determined reformer and aspiring politician. They explore how Castro navigated gang violence in Havana, his involvement with the nonviolent September 30th movement, his bold courtroom defenses, and his law practice dedicated to the poor. The episode also covers his growing disillusionment with Cuba’s political parties, his clashes with President Prío’s corruption, his unlikely meeting with Batista, and his relentless drive to clean up his reputation and pursue political power. Along the way, Cam and Ray weave in colorful anecdotes, wry humor, and comparisons to figures from Rome and Napoleon to highlight the revolutionary forces shaping Castro’s trajectory.

Cameron and Ray pick up Fidel Castro’s story in 1948 as he returns from Colombia in the wake of the Bogotazo riots. We follow Castro through his early 20s as he campaigns for Eduardo Chibás, clashes with Havana police over accusations of corruption, and narrowly escapes being framed for murder. The conversation dives into the student-led bus fare protests—linked to shady U.S. business deals—that propelled Castro into the spotlight. We hear about his whirlwind romance and three-month honeymoon in the United States, his growing fascination with Marxist thought, and his balancing act between rival student gangs and political factions. The episode ends with the murder of his close friend, fellow activist Manolo Fuentes, a turning point that forces Castro to reconsider his alliances and the dangerous reality of Havana’s violent political landscape.

In this episode, Cam and Ray kick off their deep dive into the life and legend of Fidel Castro. Picking up from the Batista coup of 1952, they trace Fidel’s early years—born illegitimate on his father’s sugar plantation, educated by Jesuits, and shaped by political violence. We follow Fidel through elite boarding schools, law school radicalisation, and his early attempts to overthrow regimes across Latin America. From jumping ship with a machine gun to surviving student death threats, Castro emerges as a man driven by revolutionary ideals, a hunger for justice, and an almost messianic sense of destiny. Along the way, we encounter Perón, Guevara, Trujillo, and Gabriel García Márquez—and we get a glimpse of the revolutionary vanguard that would eventually upend Cuba forever.

In this raucous and revelatory episode of _The Cold War Podcast_, Cameron and Ray finally reach the man of the hour: Fulgencio Batista. From humble military stenographer to kingmaker of a chaotic Cuba, Batista’s rise is traced through coups, constitutions, and crushing dissent. Cameron performs a blistering freestyle rap tribute to Ray (“Ray Bear Has No Hair”), then the duo dive into Batista’s reign, the boom years of WWII, puppet governments, violent suppression of opposition, and the eerie parallels to authoritarian creep in modern democracies. The episode also explores the cultural fallout of constant violence, Fidel Castro’s formative influences, and the suicide of Eduardo Chibás on live radio—a moment that cemented Castro’s revolutionary zeal. Come for the history, stay for the dick jokes, cos this one’s got everything.

In this episode of the Cold War podcast, Cam and Ray continue their wild ride through Cuban history, focusing on the rise and fall of Gerardo “Macho Man” Machado, the proto-strongman president who turned Cuba into a playground for rich tourists—and a pressure cooker for everyone else. From political repression and violent union crackdowns to communist organizing and student uprisings, this chapter sets the stage for Cuba’s eventual revolution. Along the way, we meet fascinating figures like Julio Antonio Mella (the OG Castro prototype), discuss the communist roots of Cuban resistance, and learn how America played both arsonist and firefighter in the region. Plus: cigars, lesbians, and martinis. You’re welcome.

When the U.S. troops landed in Cuba, it changed the nature of the war. The old racism returned. Of course, when the war was over in July, the U.S. had no intention of letting the Cuban people have their independence. As the commander of US forces in Cuba said: "Why, these people are no more fit for self-government than gunpowder is for hell." In the fight for freedom, lives had been lost and the country had been wiped out economically. Yet the Cubans still weren't going to get their independence.

It's finally time to talk about the Cuban Revolution. But of course before we can do that story justice, we need to explain some back story. Everything needs to be understood in context. Let's go back in time to when Spain still had its American colonies.

Some people have said 1983 was the most dangerous year in human history. On four separate occasions, the U.S.A. and the USSR nearly ended up in a hot nuclear war. Soviet leaders apparently became deeply worried that the US was preparing to launch a surprise nuclear attack on the USSR under the cover of a NATO exercise titled ‘Able Archer.’ Brian J. Morra is a former U.S. intelligence officer and a retired senior aerospace executive who took part in the events of 1983 and has written an excellent and terrifying book on the topic, "The Able Archers". He's our guest today. We talk about the events of 1983, why 2024 might be even more dangerous, and why world leaders haven't learned the lessons of 1983. 

Today we interview Andrea Balis & Elizabeth Levy, co-authors of the book "Witch Hunt: The Cold War, Joe McCarthy, and the Red Scare", a cutting-edge look into a pivotal moment in US history: McCarthy's infamous "witch hunt" for communists during the 1950's Red Scare.

We all know that Tibet and China have a history, and that the U.S.A. is always in the middle of it. But you may not know that The United States recognizes Tibet to be part of the People’s Republic of China or that the UK and the U.S.A. have spent over a century trying to wrest control over Tibet away from China. This is part one of that story.

The CIA’s second attempt at a coup succeeds. Mossadegh is driven into hiding and General Zahedi declares himself the new leader of the country. The CIA celebrates wth champagne.

In early 1953, Churchill initiated a plan with the CIA to overthrow Iranian Prime Minister Mossadegh, involving key figures like General Sahedi and the Rashidian brothers. Aided by disinformation campaigns, the Shah fled Iran, stirring public outcry. Despite initial resistance from Eisenhower, pressure from the Dulles brothers and ongoing chaos in Iran convinced him to approve the coup. The CIA allocated significant funds to destabilize Mossadegh’s government, ultimately leading to Mossadegh realizing the U.S. would not support him against British interference. The situation escalated with organized turmoil, political bribery, and strategic assassinations, culminating in Mossadegh's political isolation by mid-1953.

Ever wondered why the heads of MI6 are called "M"? Well they aren't. They are called “C”. It all started with Sir Mansfield Smith-Cumming, who signed his docs with a green “C.” This guy was a true legend—a retired Navy man who became the spymaster extraordinaire, famous for his love of gadgets and high-speed Rolls-Royce drives. His dramatic life included cutting off his own foot after a car crash to save his son. MI6 has always been shrouded in secrecy, with its chiefs staying out of the limelight. But thanks to novels and movies, especially those by Ian Fleming, the real-life adventures of these spies have become legendary.

As Mossadegh wins the hearts and minds of Americans and the world, the British re-elect Churchill who considered Mossadegh “an elderly lunatic bent on wrecking his country and handing it over to the communists.”

The British PM sends a fascist Catholic member of the British elite, Sir Richard Stokes, to talk to Moss the Boss. Mossadegh says he wants a divorce. As he’s leaving Iran, Harriman meets with the Shah and “suggests” it might be time for Mossadegh to go.

After the assassination of Razmara, Mossadegh’s oil committee voted unanimously to nationalise the AIOC. Iran went crazy for Mossadegh. It was Mossa-Mania. The British were furious and tried to appoint a new Prime Minister, the latest in the line of “guys they were sure could get the job done”. It backfired. Massively.

Mossadegh had two non-negotiables that drove his political game. First, he was a die-hard believer in the rule of law, which put him on a collision course with autocrats like Reza Shah. Second, he was all about Iranian self-rule, making him Public Enemy No. 1 for the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. He wasn't just against them; he was their kryptonite.

In this episode, we delve into the history of Iran, focusing on the US's role in ending democratic rule in 1953 and installing Mohammad Reza Shah's dictatorship, a fact well-known in Iran but only admitted by the US in the 90s. This event led to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, headed by Ayatollah Khomeini, and fueled anti-Western sentiments across the Middle East. We discuss the significant figure of Mohammad Mossadegh, and the history of Iran under the Qajar shahs, the stagnation and foreign exploitation during this period, and the controversial Reuter concession of 1872, which was a significant surrender of Iran's industrial resources to foreign control, but was quickly cancelled due to widespread opposition.

European recipients of the Marshall Plan funds were quite clear to the USA that they needed help keeping the socialists down and out of their countries. And the USA recognized that its own economic welfare rested on the revival of Europe. Funding a pro-capitalist European recovery was a matter of national self-interest.

We want to take a break from Korea to talk about the creation of NATO. Obviously relevant with the whole Ukraine situation. And it took on a new kind of mission during the Korean War. But let’s go back and look at where it came from.

Today we're talking to Katharine Gregorio, author of "The Double Life of Katharine Clark, The Untold Story of the American Journalist Who Brought the Truth about Communism to the West". Clark was her great-aunt, a foreign correspondent who, while posted in Belgrade in the mid-1950s, befriended Milovan Djilas, the former heir apparent to Tito in Yugoslavia and author of the classic "Conversations with Stalin", which Clark helped get published in the West, at great risk to herself and her husband.

This is part four of our recent chat about the history of China and Taiwan with James Shone, a teacher who has lived and worked in Taiwan for over a decade. He’s recently started a podcast about the history of Taiwan - https://taiwanthroughtime.com/.

Dr. Danny Orbach is an Associate professor in general history and East Asian studies, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His new book, Fugitives, is a history of Nazi mercenaries during the Cold War

This is part three of our recent chat about the history of China and Taiwan with James Shone, a teacher who has lived and worked in Taiwan for over a decade. He’s recently started a podcast about the history of Taiwan - https://taiwanthroughtime.com/.

Part two of our recent chat with James Shone about Taiwan. Don't forget to check out this new podcast about the history of Taiwan - https://taiwanthroughtime.com/.

We were recently invited by Paul Giordano, a listener of this show, to give a lecture to the kids studying the Cold War at EF Academy in NY where Paul is the Humanities Department Chair. We spoke for about 40 minutes then did some Q&A with the very bright kids in his class. This is a recording of our Zoom call. We're available for more school lectures, kids' parties, wedding and bar mitzvahs.

In 1949, the Kuomintang retreated from mainland China to the island of Formosa, now known as Taiwan. Ownership of Taiwan would become a major issue during the Cold War, and continues to be a cause of regional tensions, as well as China-US tensions, today. Joining us to talk about it today is James Shone, a teacher who has lived and worked in Taiwan for over a decade. He’s recently started a podcast about the history of Taiwan - https://taiwanthroughtime.com/.

We have made the first few years of episodes free, but if you want to listen to the rest of the episodes, mostly those made in the last year, you’ll need to sign up to become a member of our site. It’s cheap and easy, so sign up today and don’t miss out on our […]

Even the CIA’s original legal counsel warned them that covert missions were illegal - but they did them anyway. On December 14, 1947, they were ordered to execute “covert psychological operations designed to counter Soviet and Soviet-inspired activities." Their first mission was to spend tens of millions of dollars of secret cash to influence the Italian elections. “We were terrified…. and going beyond our charter,” according to an early CIA operative.

In the early 1920s, violence between Muslims and the Jews continued to escalate. Because they didn't trust the British to defend their interests, the newly formed (and illegal) Jewish self-defense organization, the Haganah, was formed.  Churchill came to visit Palestine - and made things worse.  Without a doubt, the British military continued to favor the Arabs. General Sir Walter Congreve, commander of British forces in the Middle East, said in October 1921: “In the case of Palestine [the sympathies of the Army] are rather obviously with the Arabs,… the victim[s] of the unjust policy forced upon them by the British Government.”

In the early 1920s, violence between Muslims and the Jews continued to escalate. Because they didn't trust the British to defend their interests, the newly formed (and illegal) Jewish self-defense organization, the Haganah, was formed.  Churchill came to visit Palestine - and made things worse.  Without a doubt, the British military continued to favor the Arabs. General Sir Walter Congreve, commander of British forces in the Middle East, said in October 1921: “In the case of Palestine [the sympathies of the Army] are rather obviously with the Arabs,… the victim[s] of the unjust policy forced upon them by the British Government.”

In the early 1920s, violence between Muslims and the Jews continued to escalate. Because they didn't trust the British to defend their interests, the newly formed (and illegal) Jewish self-defense organization, the Haganah, was formed.  Churchill came to visit Palestine - and made things worse.  Without a doubt, the British military continued to favor the Arabs. General Sir Walter Congreve, commander of British forces in the Middle East, said in October 1921: “In the case of Palestine [the sympathies of the Army] are rather obviously with the Arabs,… the victim[s] of the unjust policy forced upon them by the British Government.”

When the British finally captured the Middle East from the Ottomans in October 1918, under the command of General Edmund Allenby, with the support of TE Lawrence and his Sharifians, Hussein and Faisal, the British immediately tried to walk back on the Sykes-Picot agreement.  They figured they did all the hard work, so fuck the French. 

The Rothschilds And Zionism - The Balfour Declaration took the form of a letter, dated November 2, 1917, from the foreign secretary to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild, a British banker and zoologist, who headed Britain’s Zionist Federation.

Things in Palestine really started to heat up in 1908 - the year of The Young Turk Revolution. It was around this time that the violence between the Jews and the Arabs started to escalate beyond what was mostly localised troubles over property rights. And it took on a nationalist feel. The Jews started to arm themselves. The governor of Jerusalem, Azmi Bey, wrote: “We are not xenophobes; we welcome all strangers. We are not anti-Semites; we value the economic superiority of the Jews. But no nation, no government could open its arms to groups … aiming to take Palestine from us.” In 1915, Britain and France sat down to work out who was going to control what in the Middle East after the war - what became known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement. By 1917, when the Allies were bogged down on the Western Front, Britain issued the Balfour Declaration. They hoped it would bring the American Jews to their cause, would help bring the United States into the war and keep Russia involved - and would stop the Jews from allying themselves with Ze Germans.

Americans were SHOCKED to discover that Russia had interfered in their 2016 Presidential elections. How dare they interfere with the democratic process of a sovereign nation! Of course, those same Americans probably have no idea that their own country has, according to the research done by my guest today, done the same thing over 80 times since the end of WWII. Today I interview Dov H. Levin Ph.D, Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Hong Kong about his research on what he calls his Partisan Electoral Intervention by the Great Powers dataset (PEIG). It shows how many times the USA and USSR/Russia intervened in foreign elections in the years 1946 - 2000.

Quite soon after the first Zionist emigration to Palestine, tensions between the Jews and the Muslims started to erupt in small scale violence. Zionist settler Ahad Ha’Am wrote that the other Zionist colonists “behave towards the Arabs with hostility and cruelty, trespass without justification, beat them shamefully without sufficient cause and then boast about it.” Another early settler, Vladimir Dubnow, wrote in October 1882: “The ultimate goal … is, in time, to take over the Land of Israel and to restore to the Jews the political independence they have been deprived of for these two thousand years.… The Jews will yet arise and, arms in hand (if need be), declare that they are the masters of their ancient homeland.” And the first violence erupted at the very first Zionist colony, Petach Tikva. It wasn't based on religious or political or racial differences - it was over land. Villagers who had worked the land had it taken away from them. They saw it as Russian colonialism.

One fascinating witness of early zionism is Sir Ronald Storrs, who, in 1917 became, in his own words "the first military governor of Jerusalem since Pontius Pilate”. In 1940 he wrote a terrific little book, "Lawrence of Arabia, Zionism and Palestine." This episode explain the roles of Chaim Weizmann, Herbert Samuel and World War I on Britain's support for the zionist agenda in Palestine. The British were eager to get the Jews to help them defeat the Germans and Ottomans. They also hoped that supporting the zionist agenda would help them secure war loans from the United States - and bring the US into the war. They also hoped that putting a bunch of grateful Jews under a British protectorate in Palestine would help them secure the eastern approach to the Suez Canal, the jugular vein of British commerce.

By 1881, on the eve of the start of the Zionist Jewish influx, Palestine’s population was 457,000—about 400,000 of them Muslims, 13,000–20,000 Jews, and 42,000 Christians (mostly Greek Orthodox). In addition, there were several thousand more Jews who were permanent residents of Palestine but not Ottoman citizens. The overwhelming majority of the population was Arab, about 70 percent rural. Most of the Jews and Christians lived in Jerusalem. But then foreign Jews started buying land in Palestine. When the first Jews started to arrive from Russia, the governor of Jerusalem was ordered to bar Russian, Rumanian, and Bulgarian Jews from landing in Jaffa and Haifa. The following year he was instructed to stop the sale of state lands to Jews, even if they were Ottoman citizens. But they kept coming anyway. Many of the Zionists had been lead to believe the land was mostly empty. Many people believe that still today. Of the Palestinians, many Zionists believed they were "primitive, dishonest, fatalistic, lazy, savage". The Zionist leader Moshe Smilansky, in 1914 wrote: "We must not forget that we are dealing here with a semi-savage people...." The cause of the Zionists was supported by certain Western leaders, especially those who were Christian Zionists. Christian Zionists believe that the gathering of the Jews in Israel is a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Jesus.  

The idea of Jews returning to Palestine had been around since they were evicted by the Romans, but in a modern sense it really started to take shape in the late 19th century after the pogroms in Russia. On this podcast we talk about the vision some of the early proponents of Zionism had, including Leo Pinsker, Moses Hess, and Theodor Herzl.