Do those in power still fear the sovereign people?

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University. With local elections just a month away, political parties and candidates are moving quickly. Elections held during a president's term often serve as midterm evaluations of the administration and the ruling party, typically placing them at a disadvantage. This election can also be seen as a retrospective judgment on the first year of President Lee Jae Myung's government. Yet that dynamic appears muted, as the opposition has not fully regained public trust nor organizational coherence. Even so, a defeat in the midterm elections would still be politically burdensome for the president and the ruling party. This likely explains efforts to leverage policy measures such as a supplementary budget framed as a "wartime" response and fuel subsidies, alongside an active schedule of regional events intended to appeal directly to voters. Against this backdrop, the Democratic Party (DP) has introduced a bill to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate what it calls "fabricated indictments." The bill targets all cases in which President Lee has been indicted and would grant the special prosecutor the authority to cancel indictments. Although the party has offered several justifications, the move has drawn criticism for attempting to use legislative power to block judicial proceedings that are already underway. The DP has argued that weakening the prosecution is necessary to prevent abuses of power and politically motivated investigations. However, critics point out the contradiction in empowering a "special" prosecutor — recommended by the party and appointed by the president — to cancel indictments related to the sitting president, raising questions about neutrality. Many individuals may feel wronged in their own legal cases, but the accepted course is to seek redress through the courts and prove innocence through due process. This principle has underpinned the rule of law. The DP, however, appears to be seeking to influence judicial procedures in the president's cases by using its parliamentary majority to cancel indictments altogether. Such a move raises concerns about violating the principle of separation of powers and the constitutional guarantee that all citizens, including the president, are equal before the law. Why has the party chosen this course, particularly with elections approaching? One possibility is that it believes the electoral outcome is already decided. Opinion polls offer some basis for such confidence. Support for the DP has consistently been more than double that of the People Power Party (PPP), reflecting a persistent imbalance in party competition. President Lee's approval ratings have remained stably in the mid-60 percent range. According to a recent survey by Gallup Korea, positive evaluations of President Lee exceed negative ones by at least 20 percentage points across all regions, including both traditional strongholds and opposition areas. The DP also leads the PPP in every region. Even in Daegu and North Gyeongsang, typically conservative areas, the DP recorded 34 percent support compared to 33 percent for the opposition. This sense of confidence may explain what critics describe as the party's complacency. Previous controversial legislative measures affecting the judiciary passed without significant public backlash, reinforcing the belief that a special prosecutor bill aimed at canceling indictments would not provoke serious resistance. There may also be a calculation that voters are preoccupied with issues such as the war involving Iran and stock market volatility, leaving limited room for complex legal debates to influence electoral outcomes. A more fundamental reason may lie in the perceived weakness of the opposition. Despite more than a year since a major political setback, the PPP has struggled to recover. A credible opposition might use the election as an opportunity to reflect on past mistak...