Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice. A coffee shop, by most definitions, is a place where people talk. Not here. Climb one flight above the entrance of a Hollys Coffee branch near Cheonggyecheon stream in central Seoul on a weekday afternoon, and the air changes into an abrupt, studious silence. Downstairs, the palette is warm, the music is audible and customers are doing what customers traditionally do in cafes: gossiping over lattes. Up here, the walls are grey, the playlist has dropped to a murmur and nobody is talking to anybody. The only sounds are the erratic clatter of keyboards, the occasional drag of a chair and the soft snick of a bag zipper. Without quite deciding to, you find yourself walking on tiptoe. A sign on the stairwell, stamped with a small book icon, marks the floor as being for "working and studying." Meet the 'cagongjok' Korea has a word for these laptop-wielding patrons — cagongjok, a portmanteau of the Korean words for cafe, studying (gongbu) and tribe (jok). The term first appeared in print on April 21, 2015, in a piece about high school students cramming for exams near tutoring academies in western Seoul. Early coverage treated it as a curiosity. Within a year, it became a complaint. The numbers tell part of the story. 'The noise actually helps' Seo Jae-won, a university student in Seoul, describes coffee shops as a choice to find an environment where it is easier to focus. "At home, it is too easy to slack off or end up doing other things," Seo said. "The school library is too quiet, which feels suffocating. A cafe offers the right amount of ambient noise with fewer personal distractions." Korea's hyper-dense urban housing — where young adults routinely live in apartments, shared dorms or remain with their parents well into their twenties — has created a chronic deficit of private space. Psychologists note that such a preference is grounded in behavioral science, particularly the social facilitation theory." "The presence of other people itself has an effect of improving individual performance," said Kwak Geum-joo, an emeritus professor of psychology at Seoul National University. "Because other people are around, you can't just slack off due to their gaze. Seeing others work hard gets you pumped up as well." A little background noise, she adds, can sharpen focus, with the brain working harder to filter it out. The focus has a ceiling, however, on tasks that require highly precise or high-level concentration. When deadlines approach or tasks become too complex, the noise ceases to be a catalyst and becomes a barrier, according to Kwak. For Seo, the cost of a drink is a "space utilization fee." "Three hours feels like the line," he said. "If I'm going to study longer, I order another drink or add a dessert." The macroeconomics of that courtesy, however, are brutal for the people paying the commercial leases. The Korea Food Industry Research Institute calculated that for an eight-table cafe selling a 4,100-won ($2.7) Americano to break even, a customer must vacate their seat within one hour and 42 minutes. Recalculated against today's soaring labor costs and inflation, that window has shrunk to roughly one hour and 31 minutes. Seo's self-imposed three-hour limit already blows past that time frame by double. Some cafe owners shared stories online of customers arriving with dual external monitors and multiport power strips. In one case that circulated widely enough to become something of an urban legend, a customer plugged an electric scooter into a wall outlet. "Next it'll be electric cars," the owner wrote. Lee Si-won, who works at a cafe in Incheon, estimates that 70 to 80 percent of her daily customers arrive with something to study or work on. "Groups stay under an hour, but the cagongjok stay for two to three hours minimum," Lee said. "Most order a single 4,700-won Americano and stay for hours." To disrupt the studious atmosphere, she once swapped their usual low-f...

This article is by Shin Sung-sik, Kim Nam-young and read by an artificial voice. The Kospi's surge has fueled optimism that the depletion date of the pension fund could be delayed by 20 to 30 years. But some experts caution against excessive optimism. While there is an estimate of how far back the depletion date may have been pushed back, it isn't a formal reassessment. NPS recalculates the depletion forecast for its pension fund every five years, and there hasn't been a case when the figure was reassessed mid-cycle. "The pension fund was expected to be depleted in 2071, according to the previous projection, but we estimate the depletion date to be tentatively delayed by around seven years due to improved returns," said First Vice Health Minister Hyun Soo-yeob during a Cabinet meeting on Wednesday. The National Pension Service posted a record annual return of 18.82 percent last year. President Lee Jae Myung questioned the estimate, saying, "It seems the fund increased by around 300 trillion won [$198 billion] due to stock price gains last year and this year, but it only extends the timeline by seven years?" "I heard in reports that it had been extended by around 20 to 30 years, and we should look into it later," President Lee added. Even Hyun's estimate of a seven-year extension isn't considered precise. The seven-year estimate is based on a simple calculation that uses projected annual expenditures and additional income. However, projections for the pension fund also need to factor in demographic changes and income growth rates. The Health Ministry calculated the estimate under the assumption that the fund will have a consistent investment return of 5.5 percent, but returns can change depending on market conditions. The sharp rise in the Kospi has also created a dilemma for the NPS. Higher returns help delay the fund's depletion, but the NPS's domestic stock holdings are now too high compared to its initial asset allocation plans. NPS aims to diversify its portfolio to prevent excessive concentration in a single asset. The pension fund manages investments according to target allocations across different assets such as stocks, bonds and real estate, as well as between domestic and overseas investments. But the Kospi's rally has sharply increased the value of NPS's domestic stock holdings in a short period of time. NPS's domestic stock holdings rose from 264 trillion won last year to 395 trillion won as of the end of February. The figure rose 49.6 percent during the period, or by 131 trillion won. Domestic stocks accounted for 24.5 percent of the NPS portfolio as of February, and are believed to have since exceeded 25 percent. That is far above the domestic stock target ratio of 14.9 percent and the cap of 19.9 percent. Under the fund's asset allocation rules, NPS should reduce holdings that exceed target allocations. But if NPS sells off a large volume of domestic stocks, it could inevitably put downward pressure on the market. Caught in a dilemma, NPS's fund management committee is scheduled to meet on Thursday to finalize its midterm strategic asset allocation plan. Many expect the cap on domestic stock holdings to be lifted, though a sharp increase is unlikely. The fund faces a difficult choice between maintaining the principle of risk diversification and avoiding market disruption. The Kospi rally has nevertheless delayed the projected depletion date of the pension fund. However, experts caution that an optimistic outlook is only possible in current market conditions. Much of the gains remain unrealized book profits, and returns could decline at any time depending on the market. High returns generated during exceptional conditions, such as the semiconductor supercycle, are also difficult to sustain in the future. Experts also point to rapidly rising pension payouts. Korea's ultra-aging population is accelerating the pace of pension benefit payouts. Because payouts accelerate sharply during the fund depletion stage, ...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Le Sserafim arrived four years ago with a name built from the phrase "I'm fearless." Now, the girl group knows the shape of its fear — and with "Boompala," it turns that fear into a chant. The quintet's latest lead track repeats "Boompala, Boompala, Boompala," over a "Macarena" (1993) rhythm. The hypnotic hook carries the song's message like a mantra — fear, depending on how one looks at it, may be nothing more than an illusion. "The biggest message of 'Boompala' is that, because there is nothing holding you back, there is no fear," said Huh Yun-jin during a roundtable interview with journalists in eastern Seoul on Monday, ahead of the release of its second full-length album, "Pureflow pt. 1," on Friday. "The song says that fear may be nothing more than an illusion, depending on how one views it and the attitude one chooses to take," Huh continued. "It transforms the anxiety and stress of modern society into something fun and positive." Debuting in 2022 under HYBE's Source Music, girl group Le Sserafim consists of Huh, Kim Chae-won, Kazuha, Sakura and Hong Eun-chae. Kim, however, will sit out from the group's latest promotions due to neck pain. The group's name is an anagram of "I'm fearless," reflecting the core narrative that has run through its discography since its debut EP, "Fearless" (2023) — that the members are ready to take on challenges and aren't afraid of anything. Four years after its debut, the quintet has weathered both great highs and lows, including the backlash it faced over uneven live vocals during its Coachella set in 2024. Now standing at the other end of that tunnel, Le Sserafim has declared "Fearless 2.0" — the next chapter in its career. The members no longer insist that they do not know fear. Instead, they acknowledge it, bond over it and emerge more powerful for having faced it together. "In our early days, everything was new to us, so there was a kind of strength and energy that we could only show at that time," Hong said. "But as we continued our careers, we went through various experiences, met many different people and received a lot of love." In that process, the perception of the emotion of fear has changed, Hong said. "We came to understand ourselves better and become more honest," she added. "We wanted to talk about that change again at this point in time." "Pureflow pt. 1," the girl group's second full-length album, reflects that narrative shift. Its title is an anagram of "powerful," inspired by the line "For I am fearless, and therefore powerful" from Mary Shelley's "Frankenstein" (1818). All five members participated in the production, credited for lyrics and songwriting. The album features 11 songs: the lead track "Boompala," the prereleases "Celebration" and B-sides "Pureflow," "Creatures," "iffy iffy," "Need Your Company," "Sonder," "Saki," "Irony," "Trust Exercise" and "Liminal Space." "Boompala," the lead single of the girl group's latest album, samples Spanish pop duo Los del Río's 1993 hit "Macarena," weaving its unmistakable rhythm and melody into a Latin house track. Its lyrics, which repeat the made-up word "Boompala," were inspired by the "Heart Sutra," a Buddhist text, turning a moment of enlightenment into a cheery chant. "To me, 'Boompala' was comforting," Kazuha said. "When you're going through a difficult time, it can feel like that moment is everything and that things will continue that way forever. But I found comfort in realizing that it is all part of the process of broadening your perspective — that it is not everything, and that you need to accept your emotions." "I think scars are proof of how hard I have worked," Sakura said. "I have been hurt through many experiences, but the fact that I was able to get back up is something I am proud of. I hope that can become a source of courage for others as well." The strong sisterhood built upon their shared time together is another key theme in the "Fearl...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. [BUSAN DEEP DIVE] BUSAN — If exploring alleyways is high on your itinerary while traveling, Busan has plenty to offer. Instead of the busy, neon-lit alleys you would normally encounter in Seoul, this coastal city hides retro, bookstore-packed backstreets and smoke-filled lanes lined with yang gopchang (beef tripe) joints behind the scenic shoreline. The alleys feel as if you have been time-warped to an earlier era, and lazy stray cats become your unlikely local guides. Explore these character-filled corners of Busan slowly and thoroughly, following the storied histories these alleys embody. Bosu-dong Book Street Bosu-dong Book Street in Jung District is hazardous for anyone who says, "I'll just stop by for a minute." An entire afternoon will disappear before you know, and you'll leave with three dusty old books you never planned to buy. Books spill out onto the street. Old comics sit beside philosophy books. Harry Potter rests next to faded Korean school textbooks from the 1960s. People flip through worn pages, while bookstore owners casually read novels at their counters. But the alley's most unusual stop sits near the far end at Hakmoon Bookstore. Instead of sushi, owner Kim Jae-hyeong serves a fairy tale omakase — referring to the form of Japanese dining in which the chef creates personalized dishes on the spot. Three books are first offered as an "appetizer," along with tea or bingsu (shaved ice) of one's choice for the 5,000 won ($3.30) experience. Kim studies faces, personalities and moods before disappearing into shelves stacked with some 500 books he has collected over 15 years. Minutes later, he returns carrying titles he believes fit the person sitting before him. "This book's character fits your image well," he said while handing over a recommendation by author An NyeongDal. "She's known for bringing imaginary things to life. You'll enjoy its heartwarming story." Flipping through the pages, a strange warmth slowly settles in, leaving one wondering how a stranger somehow knew exactly what would comfort their hearts. The alley itself dates back roughly 75 years, when a couple began selling secondhand magazines from U.S. military bases and used books beneath the eaves of wooden buildings. After the Korean War (1950-1953), refugees flooded into Busan, and temporary schools sprang up around the slopes behind Boksu-dong near Mount Gudeok. Students desperate for anything to read gathered around secondhand book stalls, gradually transforming the area into what became Busan's famous book alley. At its peak, around 70 bookstores lined the street. Around 30 bookstores remain today. "Recently, many people have been looking for early editions of Han Kang's books," said the owner of Hyorim Bookstore, who has been running the shop for 12 years after his wife operated it for 20 years. Floor-to-ceiling stacks filled the tiny store, from black-and-white comic books to newer titles. "It's nice just talking with young people," he added before proudly showing off his collection. Each bookstore carries its own personality. Donghwa Bookstore specializes in children's books, while Alpha Bookstore focuses more on academic texts and religious works. Older books are often sold at discounts of 50 percent or more, with some costing as little as 1,000 won. Rare editions, however, can fetch far higher prices. And before heading off to a cafe with your newly purchased books, there's one last stop: Book Street Photo Studio, where bookshelves double as photo backdrops for black-and-white portraits. Printed like an old memory, the photo becomes a small keepsake from Boksu-dong to take home. Culture Alley When the streets around Kyungsung University in Nam District start feeling too crowded, Culture Alley appears like a secret green escape. In 2004, architect Choi Yoon-sik purchased a house near the university. Three years later, he bought four neighboring houses, turning the area ...

This article is by Hwang Jeong-il and read by an artificial voice. Once battered by a prolonged slump in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic, Myeongdong — long regarded as Seoul's top tourist shopping district — has returned to its prepandemic bustle, with retail vacancy rates also normalizing. The revival has been fueled by the district's transformation from a duty-free and cosmetics-centered shopping zone into a multifaceted destination spanning fashion, food, culture and beauty. As foreign tourists return, both Korean and global brands are also accelerating their expansion into the area. At 2 p.m. on Tuesday, Myeongdong's main alleys were crowded with foreign tourists despite it being a weekday. Chinese could be heard throughout the streets alongside English and Japanese. Korea welcomed a record 4.8 million foreign visitors in the first quarter of this year, the highest ever for a first quarter. A large portion of those travelers visited downtown, which, according to the Korea Tourism Organization, was Seoul's most-visited commercial district among foreign tourists in the first half of last year. The influx of visitors has reinvigorated the neighborhood and driven rents upward. The rental price index for commercial properties in the Myeongdong area rose 2.4 percent from the previous quarter, according to the Korea Real Estate Board, far outpacing Seoul's average increase of 0.5 percent. Real estate consultancy Cushman & Wakefield Korea said Myeongdong's retail vacancy rate had fallen to 5.6 percent as of the end of last year, recovering to prepandemic levels. The vacancy rate had soared to 49.9 percent in 2021. What stands out most is the district's evolution from a low-cost cosmetics and duty-free shopping hub into a broader lifestyle retail destination. Pharmacies — once relatively uncommon in the area — have proliferated and become must-visit stops for foreign tourists. "Before Covid-19, Myeongdong largely revolved around cosmetics and duty-free stores, but it is now transforming into a comprehensive shopping district encompassing fashion, beauty, food and pharmaceuticals," an industry source said. "As the range of content expands, the area is attracting tourists far more quickly than before." The transformation is also reshaping the visitor demographic. The share of tourists in their 20s visiting Myeongdong has been rising by roughly 50 percent annually. While the district was once heavily dependent on groups of Chinese tourists, its visitor base has recently diversified to include travelers from North America, Europe and Southeast Asia. As Myeongdong stages a dramatic comeback, domestic and global brands are moving quickly to establish a presence there. Fashion retailer Musinsa opened a three-story store in January, while Olive Young launched an outlet in March, its second largest in Korea. Against the bustling backdrop, Uniqlo finally returned to the area for the first time in five years. The company, which withdrew from the district in 2021 amid the pandemic, opened a three-story, 3,254-square-meter (35,026-square-foot) global flagship store on Friday. The outlet — the largest Uniqlo store in Korea with 42 checkout counters — houses the brand's full lineup for men, women, kids and babies under one roof. Uniqlo operates global flagship stores in only 16 locations worldwide, including New York, London, Shanghai and Tokyo. With Uniqlo's return, Myeongdong is expected to emerge as a battleground for major fast fashion brands. Competitors include SPAO, Top Ten and Musinsa. "This is not simply a large-format store," said Lim Jung-eun, head store manager of Uniqlo Myeongdong. "It is a flagship store designed around experiences unique to Myeongdong, including exclusive products and a layout tailored for foreign tourists, such as dedicated duty-free zones. We aim to broaden customer engagement through experiences that only Uniqlo can offer." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual ...

This article is by Ko Suk-hyun and read by an artificial voice. Defense is becoming the auto industry's newest battleground — and Hyundai Motor is entering with hydrogen in hand. Automakers facing a slowdown in their traditional businesses are increasingly eyeing the defense sector, where they can readily leverage their existing manufacturing infrastructure. Hyundai Motor Group is also broadening its military vehicle lineup through its smaller affiliate Kia. At the recent defense exhibition — Black Sea Defense & Aerospace 2026 — in Romania, Kia unveiled a military command vehicle based on its midsize pickup truck, the Tasman. The Korean auto group is attempting to develop a hydrogen fuel cell-powered all-terrain vehicle by combining the corporate hydrogen technology with defense applications. CEO of Mercedes-Benz, Ola Källenius, said the German automaker would be willing to expand its defense profile and production as long as it makes "business sense" in his recent interview with the Wall Street Journal. "What car companies do extraordinarily well — and we're good at it — is to build high-quality precision machines in higher volumes," Källenius said. While noting that defense-related business would account for "a minor share" of the automaker's entire portfolio, Källenius said it "could be a growing niche" that could contribute to business results. The remarks from Källenius appear to signal the possibility of expanding the company's business portfolio beyond automobiles into broader defense production. Germany's Volkswagen is reportedly in talks with Israeli defense contractor Rafael Advanced Defense Systems about producing components for missile defense systems, including Iron Dome. Detroit-based General Motors and Japanese automakers Toyota Motor Corporation and Mitsubishi Motors Corporation are likewise expanding the development of military vehicle platforms. Automakers are aiming to apply decades of accumulated automotive technology to the defense sector while supplying standardized components such as platforms, vehicle bodies, power systems and wiring systems. The growing adoption of EV technology, hydrogen fuel cells and autonomous driving systems in military equipment also presents a new opportunity, as it blurs the traditional boundary between the automotive and defense industries. "The automotive industry can relatively easily convert its manufacturing base for arms production, as seen during World War I (1914-1918) and World War II (1939-45)," said Kim Pil-soo, a professor of automotive engineering at Daelim University. "It is a desperate measure for survival among automakers as the manufacturing industry weakens," Kim said. The defense industry also presents an opportunity, as it remains largely untouched by the influx of Chinese automakers. "As Chinese automakers flood into global markets, established manufacturers are becoming increasingly interested in high-value-added businesses," said Lee Ho-geun, automotive engineering professor at Daeduk University. "One advantage of the defense sector is that technological superiority tends to command much greater added value," Lee added. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Kwack Min-soo The author is the director of the Korea Institute of Egyptology. The names of pharaohs in ancient Egypt were displayed in two main formats. The better-known cartouche was an oval frame shaped like a looped rope that first appeared around 2600 B.C. during the late Third Dynasty of the Old Kingdom. Even after ancient Egyptian civilization had effectively come to an end, the cartouche continued to be used to inscribe the names of Roman emperors. It demonstrates how symbolic systems often survive long after the political order that created them has collapsed. Before the cartouche, pharaohs' names were written inside a rectangular frame known as the serekh, which had been used since the Early Dynastic Period. The appearance of the cartouche did not eliminate the serekh. Instead, it remained in use as the special format for the "Horus name," one of the five official names of a pharaoh. It was a case in which a new tradition absorbed and redefined an older symbolic system rather than discarding it entirely. The serekh functioned as a condensed ideological symbol of royal authority. At its center stood the pharaoh's name, beneath which appeared a distinctive pattern of repeated vertical grooves. The design abstracted the recessed architectural decoration of an actual royal palace. At the top, a falcon representing the god Horus was usually depicted. Because the pharaoh was regarded as the earthly manifestation of Horus, the falcon symbolized the divine legitimacy of kingship itself and reinforced the connection between religion and political authority. But there was one moment in ancient Egyptian history when this rule was overturned. Peribsen, a pharaoh of the Second Dynasty, placed above his serekh not the falcon of Horus but a four-legged animal representing the god Seth. In Egyptian mythology, Seth was the greatest rival and adversary of Horus. Peribsen's decision, therefore, amounted to a challenge to the symbolic order underpinning royal authority. The situation became even more intriguing during the reign of the next king, Khasekhemwy. His serekh displayed both the Horus falcon and the animal symbolizing Seth together. Khasekhemwy ruled around 2700 B.C., roughly 400 years after Egypt had emerged as a unified kingdom. The symbolism suggests that tensions and conflicts persisted within the unified state. Rather than erasing competing traditions, Khasekhemwy appeared to incorporate them into a single framework of authority. His serekh thus reveals an attempt to reconcile rival forces through symbolism itself. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is the deputy editor of Content Division Three and the head of corporate research at the JoongAng Ilbo. Compared with the political heat surrounding Seoul, Daegu and Busan ahead of the June 3 local elections, the race for governor of Gyeonggi — Korea's largest provincial government — has generated surprisingly little attention. Multiple opinion polls show Democratic Party candidate Choo Mi-ae maintaining a comfortable lead outside the margin of error. With the main opposition struggling to gain traction, the frontrunner has had little reason to campaign aggressively. Yet beneath the quiet campaign lies a revealing political contradiction. Until recently, Choo, then a lawmaker representing Hanam Gap, Gyeonggi, strongly opposed the expansion of the Dong Seoul substation converter facility in Hanam. Today, as a candidate for Gyeonggi governor, she is pledging to protect and expand the province's semiconductor belt. The conflict between those two positions has become one of the election's most overlooked issues. Choo, who previously won five terms in Seoul's Gwangjin District, entered Gyeonggi politics during the 2024 general election and secured a sixth term representing Hanam Gap. During her two years there, she left a significant mark by leading opposition to the final stage of a key national power grid project that would connect the East Coast to the Seoul metropolitan area. The 280-kilometer East Coast–capital region transmission network is considered one of Korea's highest-priority infrastructure projects. The plan involved converting alternating current electricity generated at East Coast power plants into direct current, transmitting it through a high-voltage direct current, or HVDC, system to the Dong Seoul substation and converting it back into alternating current for households and industrial complexes in the capital region. The primary beneficiaries were expected to be semiconductor clusters and residents concentrated in southern Gyeonggi. Korea Electric Power Corporation spent years persuading residents in dozens of villages across Gangwon and other regions to allow transmission lines to pass through their communities. Yet because the converter station at the endpoint could not be completed, the entire project has effectively been stalled for more than two years. Since the launch of the Lee Jae Myung administration, the government has taken a larger role under the Special Act on Expanding the National Power Grid. The minister of Climate, Energy and Environment has even held meetings with residents. But finding an alternative site remains difficult given the physical requirements of transmission infrastructure. Few residents welcome ultra-high-voltage transmission towers or lines near their homes. That reality makes the role of politicians and administrators especially important. They must persuade communities to accept infrastructure projects that serve broader national interests. Simply insisting "not in my neighborhood" makes it difficult to speak credibly about the larger community. That is why Choo's current position raises difficult questions. If a politician who once stood at the forefront of resistance to power infrastructure now seeks to lead Gyeonggi as a semiconductor hub, voters may reasonably ask how she reconciles the contradiction. Across Gyeonggi, many communities are already opposing new HVDC transmission routes, wearing banners that declare their determination to protect local livelihoods. Yet supplying electricity to the province's growing semiconductor fabs and industrial complexes will require importing power not only from the East Coast but also from western and southern coastal regions. If those transmission routes are blocked, Korea could face a situation in which electricity is generated but cannot be delivered, or semiconductor facilities are completed without sufficient power to operate. Some may dismiss such reversals as ordinary politics. Politicians often shift positions de...

The author is a principal of the Saemal Saemomjit School. Since the emergence of artificial intelligence, many people have warned that it will "destroy humanity" or "threaten human nature." Whenever a new technology appears, those trapped in old frameworks speak of humanity's collapse while attempting to delay the future and remain in the past. Even before AI, they tended to view technological civilization itself as corrosive to humanity. In reality, they are simply confined within an outdated understanding of what humanity is. Human nature is not a biologically fixed constant. It is a history of revelation and expansion shaped by the direction of civilization. Humanity always exists, but its form and substance change across eras as its territory widens. The evolution of humanity resembles the gradual discovery of previously unread shelves within a vast library. What had once been obscured by instrumental instincts, divine authority or rigid rationalism later emerged as newly recognized aspects of human identity. Traits once dismissed as flaws in one era often become central expressions of humanity in another. Seen this way, the current technological transition is not the destruction of humanity but the unveiling of dimensions that previous systems concealed. Throughout history, technological progress has not erased humanity. Instead, it has repeatedly pushed societies to reconsider what it means to be human. The Industrial Revolution revealed this dynamic clearly. At the time, machines appeared to many people as monsters that threatened skilled craftsmanship and human survival itself. As portrayed in Charlie Chaplin's "Modern Times" (1936), workers tightening bolts in rhythm with machines no longer seemed like thinking beings but mechanical components. Cries that "humanity has been destroyed" emerged from this anxiety. Yet the arrival of machines paradoxically uncovered truths about humanity that earlier eras rarely considered. Machines liberated people from some forms of repetitive physical labor, revealing the value of free time, creativity and intellectual exploration. Before industrialization, labor for survival had been regarded as inseparable from human existence. Mechanization allowed people to imagine identities beyond work itself. Likewise, in a world where everything became standardized through industrial production, individuality emerged more clearly as a defining human trait. Human uniqueness became more visible precisely because machines made everything else uniform. The fear surrounding AI today follows a similar pattern. AI increasingly appears capable of mechanizing thought itself, pressuring humans with flawless logic and immense computational power. Critics insist that the difference between industrial machines and AI is fundamental. In one sense, they are correct. Every major technology represents a new dimension of progress. Machines during the Industrial Revolution also transformed society in ways people could scarcely imagine beforehand. What is now becoming clear is that humanity cannot be defined merely by knowledge accumulation or computational speed. Instead, qualities long hidden beneath the shadow of information are coming into sharper focus: the courage to ask questions, the recklessness to propose hypotheses, the irrational willingness to immerse oneself in myths, empathy toward the suffering of others and even hesitation itself. Machines did not destroy humanity. They stripped away outdated shells of humanity and exposed more essential aspects hidden within. Industrial machines replaced human muscles and elevated the importance of intellect. If AI now begins replacing portions of human intellect, society must ask what new human value will emerge most brightly in response. People struggling on the margins to answer that question may ultimately establish the new center of civilization. The important thing is not to fall behind during this transition. Those trapped within fixed definitions of...

Samsung Electronics' labor union has suspended its planned general strike, avoiding what could have become a major disruption to Korea's semiconductor industry. Yet the unprecedented confrontation, driven by demands from highly paid workers for massive performance bonuses, has left broader concerns for Korean society and industry. Because Samsung has long been regarded as Korea's representative corporation and a benchmark for corporate management, the impact of the dispute is likely to spread well beyond a single company. Under a tentative agreement reached on Wednesday, Samsung Electronics decided to provide semiconductor division employees with company stock equivalent to 10.5 percent of business profits in addition to the existing OPI, or excess profit incentive, system. It is at least fortunate that the company avoided formally institutionalizing a permanent "X percent of operating profit" bonus structure. Still, concerns remain because the agreement weakened basic principles by allowing bonuses to be distributed even to loss-making divisions. The aftereffects could prove significant both within Samsung and across other industries. Indeed, similar bonus demands have already emerged at Hyundai Motor, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, Samsung Biologics and Kakao. Such demands are difficult to find elsewhere in the world because they effectively undermine shareholder authority and the dividend structure that forms the foundation of publicly traded corporations. Employees who bear none of the investment risk would effectively claim profits ahead of shareholders and creditors. Shareholder groups at Samsung Electronics have already announced possible legal action, arguing that the agreement may violate corporate governance principles. Critics argue that the revised Trade Union Act, commonly known as the "Yellow Envelope" law, helped create the conditions for such demands. By expanding the scope of strike-related bargaining to include management decisions and reducing unions' legal and financial liabilities for illegal strikes, the law strengthened the negotiating power of large corporate unions. Legislation originally intended to protect vulnerable workers is now being used as leverage by highly paid employees at major conglomerates seeking larger bonus packages. The broader consequences may not stop there. Soon after Samsung's tentative agreement was announced, both the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions and the Federation of Korean Trade Unions demanded that performance gains also be shared with subcontractor employees. But the most meaningful social contribution companies can make is to generate profits, pay taxes, invest and create jobs. Calls to divide profits without regard for investment capacity amount to cutting open the goose that lays golden eggs. While Samsung management and labor were locked in negotiations, China's largest DRAM maker, CXMT, announced that its net profit had surged 17-fold. The company has accelerated its expansion under China's demanding "996" work culture, while Korean chipmakers remain constrained by the 52-hour workweek system. Korea's industries are not in a position to focus on dividing short-term gains. Excessive demands should be restrained, and lawmakers should move quickly to revise a yellow envelope law that is increasingly drifting away from its original purpose. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice. [EXPLAINER] Two South Korean activists heading to Gaza on a vessel on a humanitarian mission were intercepted and detained by Israeli naval forces in international waters earlier this week, sparking a diplomatic confrontation in a departure from Seoul's traditionally cautious Middle East policy. At a Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, President Lee Jae Myung did not simply criticize Israel for the maritime seizure. He demanded the legal basis for the detentions, publicly challenged his own aides and floated the possibility of the International Criminal Court's (ICC) arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The gamble appeared to yield quick results. On Thursday, the Blue House announced that Israel had released both South Korean activists, bypassing standard detention procedures to deport them directly. The activists — Kim Ah-hyun and Kim Dong-hyeon — are expected to arrive in Korea on Friday morning via a third country, a Foreign Ministry spokesperson said. "The Lee Jae Myung administration expresses strong regret over Israel's capture of our citizens," Blue House senior spokesperson Kang Yu-jung said. "However, we commend and welcome the fact that the Israeli side immediately released our citizens." Seoul's Ministry of Foreign Affairs had been tracking the situation and proactively notifying Israel — as well as transit countries including Turkey and Italy — about the possibility of Korean nationals attempting to reach Gaza. That groundwork, the official said, is what allowed Israel to act within hours of the interception. Kim Ah-hyun was traveling under a revoked passport; the ministry issued her a travel certificate to ensure she could return. By turning a localized consular dispute into a public debate over international war crimes, however, Lee has sparked debate over whether Seoul is engineering a strategic shift toward a more active diplomacy or merely blundering into a U.S. alliance minefield. At Wednesday's Cabinet meeting, President Lee called Israel's interception of a third-country vessel in international waters illegal and its treatment of Korean nationals "inhumane." He said the seizure had no valid legal basis — the ship was not in Israeli waters, and its passengers were on a humanitarian mission, not a military one. "It gives a foreign military absolutely no legal right to abduct them," he said. "The fact that they violated a domestic travel ban is an internal matter for South Korea to handle." He then raised the ICC. The court issued an arrest warrant against Netanyahu in November 2024 — which remains in effect — citing alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza, including the use of starvation as a method of warfare. When an aide confirmed the warrant's existence without going further, Lee said "Then he's a war criminal." He ordered officials to review whether Seoul, as party to the Rome Statute, should be prepared to enforce it. This was not his first criticism of Israel. In April, Lee reposted a video alleging abuse by Israeli forces and compared Israeli wartime conduct to the Holocaust. The video — filmed in the West Bank in September 2024 — had drawn criticism from the White House, which called it "very shocking," and even the Israeli military acknowledged it was "a serious incident contrary to the military's values." Israel's foreign ministry at the time condemned Lee's remarks. Seoul's diplomats moved to contain the fallout, and Foreign Minister Cho Hyun said the misunderstanding had been resolved. South Korea is a state party to the Rome Statute, and its domestic law sets out specific procedures for cooperating with The Hague-based ICC, applying extradition rules to surrender requests. If Netanyahu were ever to enter South Korean territory, Seoul would face a real legal and political decision — not just a rhetorical one. The Blue House has since tried to downplay the confrontational nature of Lee's remarks....

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice. [NEWS ANALYSIS] The AI boom propelled Korean chipmakers to unprecedented profit, ushering in a new bonus system tying payouts to a fixed percentage of annual profits that amount to six times an employee's annual salary or more. Samsung's tentative agreement, following in the footsteps of SK hynix, lays the groundwork for a so-called AI bonus, prompting labor unions at firms not considered major beneficiaries of the AI boom to raise similar demands. The push has spread across industries, from Samsung Biologics — Samsung's contract drug manufacturing affiliate — to information technology companies, telecoms and shipbuilding, with HD Hyundai's shipbuilding units and Hanwha Ocean among those demanding a significant share of operating profit be set aside for employee bonuses. From next year, 10.5 percent of the profit from Samsung's semiconductor division from the previous year — stripping out one-off gains such as currency effects — will be distributed as performance bonuses to employees over the next decade in the form of company shares, with the previous cap on payouts removed. However, the arrangement comes with conditions. The division must generate at least 200 trillion won ($133 billion) in operating profit annually between 2026 and 2028, and maintain annual profitability of at least 100 trillion won from 2029 to 2035. Of that 10.5 percent, the bonus pool is split two ways. Forty percent is shared equally across the three units within the semiconductor division — memory, chip manufacturing and chip design — while the remaining 60 percent is distributed based on each unit's performance. Since only the memory division is expected to turn a profit this year, driven by the AI and high bandwidth memory boom, it is likely to claim the entire performance-based 60 percent pool. Divisions without direct revenue — such as human resources, finance and research and development (R&D) — will receive 70 percent of whatever the memory division takes home. Based on market estimates that Samsung will generate 300 trillion won in operating profit this year, workers in the memory unit could receive bonuses of up to 600 million won per person next year. Even employees in nonmemory units stand to receive around 160 million won each from the common share pool. This year serves as a grace period, during which nonmemory units will receive their full 40 percent allocation regardless of performance. From next year onward, however, employees in units still operating at a loss will receive only 60 percent of their maximum potential bonus from the common pool. For now, the deal has averted the worst-case scenario of a production disruption that could have caused damages of up to 100 trillion won. The agreement must still be ratified by a majority vote among Samsung union members, with voting running from Friday through May 27. Jun Young-hyun, Samsung Electronics vice chairman and semiconductor division head, thanked the union on Thursday for reaching a tentative agreement and urged members to vote in favor. "What matters most now is that we put the period of conflict behind us and move forward as one," he said. "We believe that with mutual respect and trust as our foundation, we can achieve an even greater leap together." Experts, however, are already warning of potential ripple effects across other industries if Samsung's new compensation standard sets a broader precedent. Ripple effects across labor The unprecedented chip upcycle has fueled employee demands for a larger share of earnings. But Samsung's deal is already setting the stage for unions across other industries to follow suit. In the shipbuilding sector, which is on the road to profitability after a prolonged downturn, unions at HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and HD Hyundai Samho are demanding that 30 percent of operating profit be paid out as performance bonuses, while the union at Hanwha Ocean is calling for a sweeping overha...

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice. Korea's classic folk tale "Chunhyangjeon" first captivated Lina when she was a teenager. Inspired by the renowned literary work, the Ukrainian student devoted herself to studying Korean and eventually came to Kyungpook National University through the Global Korea Scholarship (GKS) program. Her love for Korean literature, language and culture, which has lasted for more than a decade, recently led her to become the first international contestant to win the title of "Mi," or third place, at the Namwon Chunhyang Festival's Global Chunhyang Selection Contest, one of the nation's oldest and most well-known beauty pageants. "It wasn't just for the experience. It was truly meaningful to me," Lina said in an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily. "When I decided to take part in the contest, I wanted to deepen my ties with Korea and its culture. Chunhyang means a lot to me because only her loyalty and love for Mongnyong can describe my love for Korea." Founded in 1931, the Namwon Chunhyang Festival began as an effort to honor the spirit of Chunhyang while preserving national pride during Japan's colonial rule. Chunhyang is the fictional hero who defies a corrupt magistrate to remain faithful to her lover, Mongnyong. The contest expanded eligibility to foreign participants in 2024 as part of its globalization efforts. Last year, Estonian contestant Laura Mai Schults won the title of "Hyeon," or sixth place. The Korea JoongAng Daily sat down with Lina to discuss her experiences, her passion for the Korean language and culture, and the future she envisions for herself in Korea. The following are excerpts from the interview. Q: What brought you to Korea? How did you start learning Korean? A: I've always loved learning languages, and when I was in middle school, I fell in love with the Korean language and culture. The language sounded so beautiful to me. As I learned more Korean, I realized that the culture ingrained in the language matched my philosophy and personal values. I'd say the philosophy of ilpyeondanshim — loyalty and unwavering love — best explains my values, and it resonates with me the most. I think it's something that cannot be perfectly translated into another language. I studied in Ukraine until my first year of high school and later moved to Estonia. There were very few opportunities to learn Korean there because there were no Korean language institutes or even a Korean embassy nearby, so I started teaching myself with whatever materials I could find on the internet. Later, I had the opportunity to study Korean at the King Sejong Institute in Tallinn and also completed an internship there. My first chance to come to Korea was in 2022 as an exchange student. I studied Korean literature at Kyungpook National University before returning to Estonia to finish my bachelor's degree. After graduating, I came back to the university as a GKS scholar, and now I'm pursuing a master's degree in media communications there. Was the Global Chunhyang Selection Contest the first beauty pageant you participated in? How did you prepare for it? Yes, it was my first pageant. I naturally learned about the contest because I've always been deeply interested in Chunhyang and Korean culture. I think only people who truly understand the spirit and meaning of the contest can participate in it. Many people think the Global Chunhyang Selection Contest is simply a beauty pageant, but I believe it's much more than that. It was originally created to preserve Korean culture, and past winners were selected not only for their appearance but also for their understanding of Korean culture and their ability to promote it. The selection process even includes a residency period to observe contestants' manners, philosophy and attitude. While preparing for the contest, I focused most on learning the values represented by Chunhyang and interpreting them in my own way. I think I achieved a good ...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Veteran boy band Monsta X is not a group known for doing things quietly. For more than a decade, the six-member group built its name on high-octane performances, thunderous charisma and bold declarations of love in its music. But as members Shownu and Hyungwon step out on their own as a duo, the volume drops — and the heat rises. "Love Me," set to be released at 6 p.m. on Thursday, is the second EP from Shownu X Hyungwon, the duo of Monsta X members Shownu and Hyungwon. The duo debuted in 2023 with its first EP, "The Unseen," becoming Monsta X's first subunit since its launch in 2015 under Starship Entertainment. The latest EP, therefore, marks Shownu X Hyungwon's first release together in nearly three years. "As a full group, we have rappers in the team, so we tend to center the performance around a more explosive kind of appeal," said Hyungwon during a roundtable interview with reporters held at Starship Entertainment's headquarters in southern Seoul on Tuesday. "But this time, we wanted to show more of the restrained mood that Shownu and I have. "Both Shownu and I have voices in lower range, and performance-wise, we are both better at expressing ourselves through restraint," he added. "So we focused on those qualities when putting together the stage." Hyungwon and Shownu are the two tallest members of Monsta X and, along with the youngest member I.M, among the group's more reserved personalities. That gives the duo its own distinct edge, Shownu said. "When we promote as a full group, there are six of us, so we can show a more colorful range of intensity," Shownu said. "But as a duo, we're able to be more selective and focused. I hope we can leave a lasting impression through the body lines and silhouettes we create in our choreography, as well as the strong hook of the lead single." "Love Me" features seven songs: The lead track, "Do You Love Me," and B-sides, "Superstitious," "In My Head," "Breathe" and "Accelerator," along with Shownu's solo track "Around & Go" and Hyungwon's "No Air." "The lead single, this time, is faster-paced than our previous release and has a stronger hook," said Shownu. "And we wanted to show more mature and diverse sides of us, something more evolved than before." Among the duo's songs, Hyungwon wrote "Superstitious," "In My Head" and "Accelerator," all of which he composed with specific purposes in mind: "Superstitious," to bring out the vocal strengths of himself and Shownu; "Accelerator," as a message asking fans to trust them in their journey together; and "In My Head," as an anthem for festivals, especially because they are set to perform at Waterbomb Seoul 2026 on July 25. "I think us as a duo has distinctive strength in live performances and on festival stages," said Shownu. "We have a lot to offer in performance, as well as in interacting with the audience." The duo is releasing the new album amid Monsta X's ongoing "The X: Nexus" world tour, which kicked off in January in Seoul and will soon enter its Latin American leg with a June 4 show in Mexico City. It also comes right after the group released its U.S. studio album, "Unfold," on April 3. Despite the rigorous schedule, Shownu X Hyungwon is determined to continue to offer fans something new and refreshing. "Whenever things got difficult, I felt that I didn't want to miss out on anything," said Hyungwon. "I thought that was the best I could give the fans, so I endured by telling myself to give everything I had while I still could." Shownu also said that what keeps him going are the messages fans leave for him online. "Sometimes, they share stories about how they were able to carry on through hardships because of us," he said. "Of course, what I did was make music, perform on stage and communicate with fans. But knowing that those things could become a source of strength — even a kind of healing — for someone is both amazing and something I'm really grateful for." The...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. [ABOUT TOWN]: Sindang-dong Just east of the futuristic curves of the Dongdaemun Design Plaza in Jung District, central Seoul, lies the seemingly quiet neighborhood of Sindang-dong, best known for tteokbokki (spicy rice cakes). Beneath its tranquil atmosphere, however, stands a far more eerie history — one marked by burial grounds and wandering spirits. During the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), cemeteries spread across the hills outside the fortress walls surrounding Hanyang, the old capital, as burials were prohibited within the city. The area where Sindang-dong is located now once housed numerous cemeteries and cremation sites. Shamans naturally gathered here and built sindang, or shrines, to perform rituals honoring the dead, ultimately giving the neighborhood its name. That eerie history does little to deter the adventurous looking for a new neighborhood to explore. Today, Sindang-dong is one of Seoul's trendier enclaves, even earning the nickname "Hipdang-dong." While much of the haunting history has disappeared from view, remnants of old Sindang-dong still exist. A few shrines still survive in quiet corners, while long-standing shops selling grain and restaurants continue to line the streets. Among them co-exist trendy cafes and bars, which at night grow even livelier, with crowds filling seats tucked in old buildings and market alleys. In Sindang-dong, the past has not vanished but instead learned how to live alongside the new. "It still carries the feel of old Seoul and feels deeply human," said Park Sang-jun, the owner of Cafe Elak in Sindang-dong. "It may not draw as many crowds as places like Seongsu-dong or Hannam-dong, but the neighborhood once had an incredible energy of its own, and it still has the kind of charm that can pull people back at any time." Remnants of the past The story of Sindang-dong begins around Gwanghuimun Gate, making it a fitting place to begin exploring the neighborhood. During the late Joseon era, hills near the gate, one of the six entrances of Hanyangdoseong — the fortress wall of the old capital — were filled with graves, including present-day Singdang. Funeral processions carrying the dead regularly passed through the gate, cementing its grim reputation as the "Gate of the Dead." Along the roads outside the old wall, shamans lived and built sindang where they performed rituals to comfort wandering spirits. Today, however, Gwanghuimun feels far removed from that haunting past. Now serving as one of the entrances into Sindang-dong from Dongdaemun History & Culture Park Station, the gate opens onto a lively street where old restaurants sit beside trendy pizza places and stylish cafes — a snapshot of modern Sindang-dong. Walk through the gate and head east to enter the neighborhood, where old Seoul begins to reveal itself. Just a few minutes away is an alley that best preserves the neighborhood's past: Ant Alley. The poet Im Bo-seon named the alley in 2017 after the hardworking residents who lived there, drawing a comparison with ants. First, head to the alley's shelter where the stretch begins. The spot is also known as the place where Yoo Jae-suk and Cho Sae-ho sat and filmed during an episode featuring Sindang-dong for the hit TV show "You Quiz on the Block" (2018-). A signboard crafted by a local woodcraft artisan introducing the alley greets visitors. Wander along the alley with weathered houses tightly packed together, remnants of the neighborhood's earlier residential history. Murals throughout the alley reflect the community's affection and pride for the area. The next alley leading to the main road is known as "Myeongin" Alley, or Master Craftsman Alley. At its peak, dozens of blacksmiths operated there, though only a few workshops remain today, with one having operated for around 50 years. It's another old character that still defines Sindang-dong. Old and new To fully enjoy Sindang-dong, one has to experience both...

The author is a former emeritus professor of history at Konkuk University. Before the undersea tunnel opened in 1994, crossing the English Channel by ferry was a memorable experience in itself. When departing from the French port city of Calais, tour guides with even a modest knowledge of history would often stop in front of the city hall to point out the famous sculpture "The Burghers of Calais" (1895). In 1347, during the Hundred Years' War, French forces resisted an English siege in Calais for nearly a year before surrendering. The victorious English king, Edward III, reportedly demanded that six leaders of the city present themselves for execution and hand over the keys to the city gates as a condition of surrender. According to the well-known account, the city's leaders hesitated until a nobleman named Eustache de Saint Pierre volunteered to go first. Five others then joined him. Though the king initially intended to execute them, the men were ultimately spared after the intervention of the English queen, Philippa of Hainault. France later transformed this humiliating episode into a national myth. The city of Calais commissioned the renowned French sculptor Auguste Rodin to depict the moment when the six men were led away to their presumed deaths. Rodin spent a decade completing the work before it was installed in front of the city hall in 1895. Looking at the sculpture, it is difficult to read the emotions on the figures' faces with certainty. Saint Pierre, the first to step forward, lowers his head in apparent resignation. A younger man gazes outward with anger in his eyes. Another clutches his head in fear, while one looks skyward in visible grief. The expressions of the remaining two are more ambiguous, almost unreadable. The men wear only rough sackcloth garments, a biblical symbol of surrender and penitence, recalling the book of "2 Samuel" in the Old Testament. Ropes hang around their bodies as signs of self-imposed guilt, while the figure at the front carries the keys to the city gates. Historians agree that a surrender ceremony did take place, but whether events unfolded in such tragic fashion remains uncertain. Some have described the story as a "constructed myth." Yet Rodin's sculpture has long transcended France itself, coming to symbolize the sacrificial obligations of those in positions of privilege and power. At times, it becomes difficult to distinguish where history ends and myth begins. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is the former ambassador to Kuwait and head of the Reset Korea Climate Response Committee. Recent international developments are forcing countries to reconsider the fundamentals of energy security. In the Middle East, tensions between the United States and Iran continue to intensify, while Kuwait last month declared force majeure on exports of crude oil and petroleum products. At the same time, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has dragged on into a prolonged conflict, solidifying an era in which energy itself is used as a geopolitical weapon. As a result, instability surrounding the Strait of Hormuz, including volatility in oil prices and global supply chains, is no longer a temporary variable. It is increasingly becoming a structural constant in the global economy. For Korea, the risks are especially severe. The country depends on the Middle East for more than 70 percent of its crude oil imports, while crude oil and petroleum products account for roughly 18 percent of total national imports, valued at approximately $113.1 billion. Even more concerning is Korea's structural vulnerability: About 95 percent of crude oil imported from the Middle East passes through the Strait of Hormuz. The moment the strait faces disruption, domestic industry and consumer prices in Korea are likely to be affected immediately. The recent risks originating from Kuwait clearly illustrate one reality: An energy system excessively dependent on a particular region and maritime shipping route can collapse unexpectedly and with little warning. The war in Ukraine has already demonstrated this lesson in stark terms. Europe relied heavily on inexpensive Russian natural gas for years and paid a steep price after the outbreak of war. Energy dependence, in the end, became a strategic vulnerability. Korea cannot assume it will be exempt from the same danger. If the current structure remains unchanged, the next crisis may not simply involve higher prices but actual physical supply disruptions. Against this backdrop, Spain has chosen a very different path. Through its National Energy and Climate Plan for 2021–2030, known as PNIEC, Spain established a goal of increasing renewable energy to 81 percent of total electricity generation. Since then, the country has rapidly expanded solar and wind power while pursuing greater electricity self-sufficiency as a national survival strategy. The transition has not been seamless. Nevertheless, Spain has continued investing in power grids and energy storage systems, or ESS, to build an energy structure less vulnerable to external shocks. Spain's experience offers Korea at least three important lessons. First, Korea must reduce its dependence on the Middle East. Supply chain diversification cannot remain merely a political slogan. It must involve a structural reorganization of the country's energy system. As one of the world's five largest crude oil importers, Korea must regard diversification not as an option but as a survival strategy. To reduce excessive dependence on Middle Eastern oil, Korea should expand imports from countries such as the United States, Australia and Africa in order to distribute geopolitical risks more broadly. This will require stronger energy diplomacy, including deeper cooperation with major energy-producing nations and more consistent long-term resource diplomacy aimed at improving both supply stability and bargaining power in energy contracts. Second, Korea must move beyond the exhausting ideological debate surrounding renewable energy. The country no longer has the luxury of wasting time on a simplistic binary choice between solar power and nuclear energy. The real priority is constructing a stable electricity system. In the era of AI and carbon neutrality, electrification has become central to industrial competitiveness and economic sustainability. Ensuring a stable supply of electricity through renewable energy and other sources is now among the country's most urgent tasks. At th...

Chung Hyo-shik The author is the social news editor at the JoongAng Ilbo. At a recent dinner gathering with longtime acquaintances, the conversation turned to the June 3 local elections and the races for mayor in Seoul, Busan and Daegu. Some argued that fluctuating opinion polls showed the contests tightening within the margin of error and suggested momentum was shifting late in the campaign. Others pointed to surveys still indicating a sweeping victory for the ruling party. Yet the debate eventually moved elsewhere — to the stock market. Specifically, the discussion centered on labor unrest at Samsung Electronics and rising U.S. interest rates driven by high oil prices, both of which have increased volatility in shares of Samsung Electronics and SK hynix. Before long, someone remarked that whether the Kospi index could remain above 7,000 through election day might ultimately determine the outcome of the Seoul mayoral race. Has Korea entered an era of "Kospi democracy?" The following day, Samsung Electronics' labor union officially declared negotiations with management had collapsed, making a general strike on Thursday appear inevitable. In response, the government warned it could invoke emergency arbitration powers to force a suspension of the strike. Prime Minister Kim Min-seok stated in a televised address on Sunday that the government "cannot avoid considering all available measures, including emergency arbitration, in order to protect the national economy." President Lee Jae Myung reinforced the message the following day, saying labor rights must be respected but so too must corporate management rights. With less than two weeks remaining before the election, the government appeared determined to defend Samsung Electronics' stock price and prevent a broader collapse in the Kospi. The reasons are understandable. Virtually the entire country has become a stakeholder in the stock market. As of the end of last year, Samsung Electronics alone had 4.61 million shareholders while SK hynix had 1.18 million. Since the end of last year, the number of domestic stock trading accounts has risen from 98.29 million to 106.06 million by mid-May, when the Kospi briefly surpassed 8,000 during intraday trading — an increase of roughly 8 million accounts. With retail investors surging, a sharp market decline would quickly become a political problem for the government itself. President Lee's signature campaign pledge of a "Kospi 5000 era" may already have been surpassed, but allowing the market to fall from above 7,000 back into the 5,000 range would create a very different political shock. The Kospi's market capitalization stood at 6,536 trillion won ($4.33 trillion) on May 14. A fall to the 5,000 range would erase more than 20 percent of household asset value, reducing market capitalization to roughly 5,000 trillion won. For the president, the political risks are enormous. The possibility of invoking emergency arbitration against a union strike is itself unusual under a progressive administration traditionally aligned with organized labor. If exercised, it would mark the first such intervention in 21 years since the Roh Moo-hyun administration halted strikes at Asiana Airlines and Korean Air in 2005. The irony is difficult to ignore. Last September, the ruling bloc pushed through the so-called Yellow Envelope Law, a revised labor law expanding the range of labor disputes to include management decisions such as bonus distribution. Critics argue the legislation helped create the conditions for the current performance bonus strike at Samsung Electronics. Now, after enabling broader labor action, the government is considering one of the strongest possible measures to stop it. Other unions at companies including Kakao, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and LG U+ are also entering negotiations and strike procedures while demanding bonuses linked directly to operating profits. The controversy extends beyond labor disputes. Debate has also intensifi...

Jang Deok-jin The author is a professor of sociology at Seoul National University. Recent remarks by People Power Party lawmaker Kim Yong-tae deserve closer attention. Responding to criticism directed at teachers over the decline in school field trips, Kim argued that the president had chosen to "set a public target by demonizing a group before beginning discussion." He urged the administration to "stop the politics of blame and focus on the substance of solving social problems." The comments concerned what appeared to be a relatively small issue involving school programs. Yet they captured a broader pattern that has emerged across nearly every policy area since the current administration took office. As has often been pointed out in these pages, identifying enemies is a defining characteristic of populist politics. When problems arise, the priority shifts away from solving them and toward deciding who should be blamed. Once a target is identified and attacked, the public may initially feel satisfied. But with time, little is actually resolved. Among the groups most heavily targeted under the current government are owners of multiple homes. President Lee Jae Myung has even argued that such homeowners contribute to a wide range of social problems, including declining marriage and birthrates, weakening industrial competitiveness and the risk of Korea entering a "lost 30 years" of stagnation. By today's standards, it is a remarkable leap in logic. Owning an additional apartment supposedly makes one responsible not only for housing prices but also for whether younger generations marry or whether the country experiences decades of economic decline. If policymakers were less focused on blaming certain groups and more committed to seeking practical solutions, they might recognize that housing policy is far broader and more complicated than political slogans suggest. There is no reason — nor is it realistic — for everyone to live only in Seoul, only in Gangnam, only in apartments or only near subway stations. Even Kim Soo-hyun, who helped design and introduce the comprehensive real estate holding tax under the Roh Moo-hyun administration and later led housing policy under the Moon Jae-in administration, emphasized the importance of metropolitan transportation in his writings. Kim noted that cities such as London and Tokyo commonly regard 80 kilometers (50 miles) as a reasonable commuting distance while Seoul effectively operates within a radius of only about 20 kilometers. By limiting solutions to a narrow geographic range, Korea only makes the housing problem more difficult to solve. If commuting infrastructure expanded the practical living radius to 80 kilometers, the range of housing policy options would look entirely different. The distance from Gwanghwamun to Icheon in Gyeonggi is roughly 80 kilometers. As a resident of Gyeonggi myself, I would have little desire to move back to Seoul if metropolitan transportation improved even modestly. Even now, once passengers board a regional express bus, they can arrive in central Gwanghwamun within about 30 minutes. The real inconvenience is frequency. Buses often come only once every 15 minutes. If service doubled, commuting between Gyeonggi and Seoul would become far more manageable. Such improvements would undoubtedly require subsidies and raise profitability concerns, but the cost would amount to only a tiny fraction of what has already been spent on ineffective real estate policies. Why should housing problems not also be approached as transportation problems? Such an approach could help slow regional decline while encouraging the decentralization of essential infrastructure such as schools and hospitals. Yet calm discussion of such solutions rarely takes place. Instead, political debate centers on condemning people for owning two homes. The same pattern can be seen in the ongoing general strike by the labor union at Samsung Electronics. The process leading to the strike has reve...

Han Byung-do, floor leader of the Democratic Party (DP), said Wednesday that the ruling party would ensure the second half of the 22nd National Assembly would function according to the principle of a "working Assembly" and would not allow parliamentary procedures to become tools for obstructing state affairs. Regarding the chairmanship of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, traditionally one of the most contested posts during negotiations over Assembly leadership, Han added that he had "no intention" of yielding the position to the opposition People Power Party. His remarks followed controversial comments by DP leader Jung Chung-rae, who recently said he had even considered taking all standing committee chairmanships for the ruling party during negotiations over the Assembly's second-half structure. Han himself had previously made remarks to a similar effect. Meanwhile, Cho Jeong-sik, recently selected as the DP's candidate for National Assembly speaker, also stirred controversy after saying he would prioritize speed over bipartisan cooperation in passing legislation tied to the government's agenda. The DP's heavy-handed operation of the Assembly is hardly a new phenomenon. Still, such comments emerging even before formal negotiations over committee assignments have begun are deeply concerning. They suggest the ruling party views the opposition not as a partner in dialogue aimed at finding broadly acceptable compromises, but as an obstacle blocking the government's agenda. Attempting to exclude the opposition merely because it opposes government policies or legislation is a classic feature of majoritarian dominance. It also conflicts with the parliamentary democratic principle of checks and balances. Under the National Assembly Act, a party holding a majority of seats can theoretically monopolize all 18 standing committee chairmanships. Yet previous Assemblies distributed those positions between ruling and opposition parties according to seat ratios and often assigned the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chairmanship to the opposition. The practice reflected a parliamentary belief that power subject to oversight ultimately benefits both the public and the state. When political conventions are overturned through numerical strength alone, the harmful consequences of unchecked power inevitably follow. The DP itself recently experienced such backlash when it aggressively pushed a special counsel bill on alleged prosecutorial manipulation, only to face criticism that it was intended to help cancel the president's criminal indictment. The party was ultimately forced to retreat. A truly "working National Assembly" begins with recognizing the opposition and engaging in deliberation together. Speed alone cannot justify excluding dissenting voices. One-sided rule and legislative efficiency are not synonymous. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice. After marathon talks between Samsung Electronics' management and labor fell apart Wednesday, a planned 18-day strike due to start Thursday moved closer to reality. The country's labor minister directly joined mediation efforts for the first time on Wednesday, but no agreement had been reached as of press time. As talks continue, all eyes are on whether the government will invoke its emergency arbitration powers, a last resort that could prevent the strike from snowballing into substantial economic damage, should negotiations fail. That decision remains uncertain. The government is concerned that wielding this rarely used power, which can ban all collective action for 30 days, could set a negative precedent. During this period, a government body would conduct mediation. "The government will provide maximum support, unconstrained by formalities, to ensure the matter is resolved through autonomous labor-management negotiations until the very last moment," a Ministry of Employment and Labor spokesperson said, drawing a clear line on the question of emergency arbitration, adding that it was "too early to speak to that specifically." Any disruption to semiconductor production could ripple far beyond Samsung, affecting the country's exports as well as major clients such as Nvidia, Apple and Google. At the heart of the dispute is how bonuses are distributed across Samsung's three different semiconductor units, which cover memory, chip manufacturing and chip design. Of the three, only the memory division is currently profitable, riding the AI-driven surge in demand that has Big Tech lining up to secure supply. The bone of contention is whether a common pool of special bonuses — shared across the entire semiconductor division — should be large enough to give employees in loss-making units payouts comparable to those in the profitable memory unit. The union agreed to the ratio proposed by the government mediator, but management rejected it, arguing that it violates the company's core principle of tying rewards to performance. The production of high bandwidth memory (HBM), which is a key component powering global AI infrastructure, is of the greatest concern should the strike proceed. Choi Seung-ho, head of the Samsung Electronics chapter of the Samsung Group United Union, confirmed the walkout was going ahead as he left the post-mediation session at the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) office in Sejong. "The union will proceed as planned and lawfully launch a general strike," Choi said. "We wish to make clear that even during the strike, we will not cease our efforts to reach a settlement." He emphasized that the union had agreed to the mediator's proposal — it was management that walked away. Samsung, for its part, said the breakdown is deeply regrettable, but stood firm. The union's demand to set aside a significant portion of bonuses for loss-making divisions "directly contradicts" its performance-based management principle, the company said. "The company has determined that abandoning this principle would have an adverse impact not only on Samsung Electronics, but on other companies and industries as well," it added. "Nevertheless, Samsung Electronics will continue its efforts to resolve this matter until the very end, whether through additional mediation or direct dialogue with the union." Industry observers are estimating losses resulting from the walkout, scheduled to run through June 7, to reach up to 100 trillion won ($66.3 billion) as semiconductor production grinds to a halt. The ripple effects would extend beyond Samsung itself, affecting the broader ecosystem of parts, materials and equipment suppliers that depend on it, and weighing on Korean exports overall. A court has already granted management an injunction limiting the scope of industrial action, requiring workers to maintain normal staffing levels at safety facilities and in processes that ...

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. International students and foreign job-seekers in South Gyeongsang can now receive up to a 13 percent discount on Express Mail Service (EMS) at post offices across the province. The South Gyeongsang provincial government announced Wednesday that it signed a memorandum of agreement with the Korea Post's Busan Regional Communications Office to offer discounted international shipping fees for foreign students. Holders of D-2 (student), D-4 (general training) and D-10 (job-seeker) visas living in the province are eligible for the benefit. To receive the discount, eligible residents only need to present their residence card at a local post office, and a student ID is not required, the provincial government said. Those shipping via EMS or EMS Premium at post offices within the region will receive a base discount of 10 percent. An additional 3 percent discount will be applied if users preregister online through the post office website or mobile application. EMS handles international packages weighing up to 30 kilograms (66 pounds) to 103 countries, while EMS Premium ships packages weighing up to 70 kilograms to 184 countries. Under the new policy, for example, sending a 10-kilogram EMS package to Vietnam, which normally costs 49,000 won ($36), will be discounted by 13 percent, saving the sender 6,370 won. However, extra freight surcharges may still apply separately.

This article is by Kim Yeon-joo and read by an artificial voice. Profit-sharing demands are sweeping Korea's biggest conglomerates. Unions at Samsung Electronics, LG U+, Kakao and HD Hyundai Heavy Industries have all pressed this year for a fixed share of operating profits as bonus pay. While unions secured stronger legal protections when the "Yellow Envelope" law took effect in March, the latest demands can't be entirely pinned on the legislation. But some labor lawyers say the law has made it easier for unions to escalate such demands into legal strike action, raising concerns that a measure originally pitched as protection for subcontractor workers is being put to use by big-company unions. The law's original aim was to widen the legal definition of "employer" under the Trade Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act. The change was meant to give subcontractor unions a real bargaining counterpart and ease the Korean labor market's dual structure, where workers at large conglomerates enjoy strong union protections and stable employment while those at subcontractors and smaller firms have far fewer rights and little bargaining power. But the amendment also added "management decisions that affect working conditions" as a legitimate cause of labor disputes, and major company unions have been quick to use it. "In the past, there were different views on whether performance bonuses should be classified as part of working conditions or as a management decision," said Lee Kwang-sun, an attorney at Yulchon law firm. "But now that the Yellow Envelope act has expanded the scope of labor disputes, performance bonuses are also more likely to become legitimate subjects of collective action. We're already seeing various management-related demands appear on union agendas," Lee explained. Korean labor law distinguishes between two categories in labor-management negotiations. One covers issues that can lawfully trigger a strike if negotiations break down, while the other concerns issues that can be discussed in talks but are not legitimate grounds for a strike. Whether performance bonuses count as wages and working conditions or as a matter of management's authority has been contested in practice. If classified as the former, a standoff on bonuses can legally result in a strike. If treated as the latter, they sit closer to the issues that may be open to a legal challenge over a strike. As the Yellow Envelope law broadens the definition of labor disputes, experts say not just performance bonuses but matters that touch on management decisions can now form the basis for a legitimate protest. "In the past, there was room to challenge the legitimacy of a strike based on a management decision like performance bonuses," said Park Ji-soon, a professor at Korea University School of Law. "But with the Yellow Envelope law in place, industrial action that used to be limited to improving working conditions is now being expanded to cover the distribution of excess corporate profits and even areas of management judgment." The demands have been concentrated at conglomerates with strong recent earnings, which makes it difficult to directly blame the Yellow Envelope law, but the legislation has played a significant role in pushing those demands to the brink of strikes, Park said. The union at Samsung Biologics has asked the company to set up a joint labor-management council and proposed a collective agreement that would require the council's approval on matters such as introducing new machinery and technology as well as changes to work processes. Hyundai Motor's union has included guarantees on employment and working conditions after AI-based production lines are introduced as part of this year's wage and collective bargaining demands. The HMM union is raising the possibility of invoking the law in the planned relocation of the shipping line's headquarters, arguing that the move has a big impact on working conditions. Not every legal expert agrees that pe...

This article is by Kim Ji-hye and read by an artificial voice. Christian Dior Couture Korea is facing a criminal complaint after a customer discovered that a limited-edition handbag had been outsourced to a local Korean repair shop, despite assurances from the luxury brand that the work would be done at its Paris headquarters. PJ Law Group said Wednesday it filed a criminal complaint with police on behalf of the customer, alleging fraud and property damage. The complaint names the head of Christian Dior Couture Korea, a representative at the brand's outlet inside a department store in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, and a representative from the Korean repair company. The Dior sales associate allegedly told the customer in December 2024 that the bag would be sent to Paris, but instead handed it off to a third-party Korean repair shop. The repair shop is also accused of damaging the bag by relocating decorative beads on its exterior without the customer's consent. The customer bought the bag in 2016 for about 7 million won ($4,620) and was told at the time that it was the only one of its kind imported to Korea. After more than eight years of use, a few beads came loose, and the customer brought the bag to a Dior store for repair. After the repair stretched past a year, the customer contacted the store on Feb. 24 to ask what was happening. The next day, the store returned the bag and said the repair was finished. About a month later, on March 23, the customer spotted a video on a Korean repair shop's social media account showing the bag being worked on. When the customer raised the issue with Dior, the company acknowledged that the bag had never been sent to Paris and had been repaired by a Korean third-party contractor. The law firm said it plans to use the police investigation to determine where and how the bag was kept during the 14-month repair period and to file additional charges if other violations come to light. It also reported Dior to the Fair Trade Commission for allegedly violating the Act on Fair Labeling and Advertising. Under Dior's after-sales service terms, the company is required to have an expert inspect the item, determine whether the defect falls within warranty coverage and inform the customer about the feasibility, estimated cost and timeline of the repair before obtaining consent to proceed. The law firm claims the Dior sales associate bypassed those steps and unilaterally told the customer the bag would be repaired in Paris. Dior could face fines if the Fair Trade Commission concludes that it violated the law. "In addition to the police complaint and the Fair Trade Commission filing, we will continue follow-up actions, including sending a formal notice to Dior's Paris headquarters about the seriousness of this case," a PJ Law Group representative said.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice. Starbucks Korea's controversial "Tank Day" promotion ended shortly after it was accused of using inappropriate language referring to the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement and the military dictatorship. Public backlash quickly escalated. Even President Lee Jae Myung condemned the campaign as "the inhumane behavior of lowlife profiteers." The two phrases at issue were the promotional campaign title "Tank Day" and the slogan "Tak! on the desk," which many criticized for mocking the uprising. But why are Koreans reacting so strongly to the phrases used in the campaign, and what historical background underlies it? What is the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement ? The democratic uprising in Gwangju was a pro-democracy movement that was staged from May 18 to May 27, 1980. The uprising began with citizens protesting against martial law imposed by the military regime led by Chun Doo Hwan following a military coup on Dec. 12, 1979, to seize power in Korea. After consolidating control, he expanded martial law, ordering universities to close and banning all political activities, rallies and demonstrations. The regime also suppressed political opposition. As military forces violently cracked down on demonstrations, residents of Gwangju organized armed resistance against the troops. The military responded by deploying tanks and opening fire on civilians, resulting in a massacre that left hundreds dead or injured, although the exact number of victims remains disputed. The event later became a symbol of Korea's democratization movement and is widely regarded as a pivotal moment in the country's struggle for democracy and human rights. Why is Starbucks Korea receiving backlash? The coffee franchise ran a promotional event offering discounts on its Tank tumbler lineup. The wording used in the promotional materials drew fierce criticism, with many accusing the company of mocking the Gwangju Democratization Movement. The word "Tank Day" was displayed alongside the date May 18, which many said evoked memories of the military regime's violent suppression of civilians using mechanized units. The use of the word "tank" also drew scrutiny because it is used in far-right online communities as a nickname for Chun. The far-right online community Ilbo, also known as Ilgan Best, often refers to Chun as "Chun Tank." Where does "Tak! on the desk" come from? Criticism also followed over the phrase "Tak! on the desk." The outrage drew comparisons to the false explanation given by then-National Police Headquarters Chief Kang Min-chang after the 1987 torture death of student activist Park Jong-cheol. At the time, Kang falsely claimed that Park "died with an 'ugh' after a 'tak' on the desk." Tak is a Korean onomatopoeia used to describe a sharp sound, often from one object hitting another, similar to the English language's "bang." Park, a Korean university student, was arrested by police in January 1987 during investigations into pro-democracy activists. While being interrogated, he was tortured by the police and died in custody. Many users criticized the coffee chain's slogan for mocking the historical tragedy. How did Starbucks Korea respond? In response to the criticism, Starbucks Korea CEO Sohn Jeong-hyun was dismissed on Monday. Following the dismissal, Shinsegae Group Chairman Chung Yong-jin issued a public apology on Tuesday. Starbucks Korea is an affiliate of Shinsegae Group. "Yesterday, the day that marked the 46th anniversary of the May 18 democracy movement, Starbucks Korea started an inappropriate and unacceptable marketing campaign that should never have taken place," he said. "This was an inexcusable wrongdoing that trivialized the pain and sacrifice of everyone who devoted themselves to advancing democracy in this nation," he continued. "I recognize that the responsibility for this lies entirely with me, and I know no explanation can justify it." Shinsegae Group Vice Pr...

This article is by Kim Jung-seok and read by an artificial voice. The summit between Korean President Lee Jae Myung and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi on Tuesday could make Korean chicken even more famous — but not the crispy, fried one this time. After their afternoon summit talks, the two leaders are set to dine together, with jeongyea as the main course. Jeongyea is a dish prepared by sautéing a young chicken with yams, carrots and scallions in sesame oil until golden, then braising it in a savory soy sauce mixture. Today's Andong jjimdak, a popular soy-braised chicken dish that can be served spicy or sweet, is believed to have evolved from jeongyea. The dish was reserved for honored guests in aristocratic households and traditionally eaten to restore stamina and appetite in summer, especially in the inland region. Its recipe is believed to have originated during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) and is recorded in the " Suunjapbang," Korea's oldest surviving cookbook. The text is believed to have been written between the 16th and mid-17th century. Takaichi will become the first foreign leader to be served a main dish drawn from a Joseon-era culinary text at an official summit dinner. Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi arrived in Korea on Tuesday afternoon and is set to stay for two days. Her visit to Andong, North Gyeongsang, is a continuation of bilateral "shuttle diplomacy," as the frequent summits between the two neighboring nations are called. During Tuesday's summit, Lee and Takaichi are expected to discuss ways to further deepen bilateral relations and coordinate measures to address the ramifications of the Iran war as partners in the Indo-Pacific. Jeongyea also reflects Korea's customary courtesy toward foreign guests. As the dish predates the arrival of chili peppers on the Korean Peninsula, it delivers a mild, more restrained flavor, which is expected to suit the Japanese prime minister's tastes better. The banquet will be prepared jointly by Kim Do-eun, who oversees Rakkojae Hanok Hotel's "Suunjabbang Heritage Dining" program, and the Westin Josun Seoul's culinary team. Together, they are expected to blend the rich depth of traditional Korean flavors with contemporary haute cuisine techniques. Alongside jeongyea, guests will be served grilled Andong hanwoo (Korean beef) short ribs and sinseollo, a traditional hot pot filled with vegetables and seafood, symbolizing harmony and exchange. Dessert will bring together Korean jeonyak (jelly) and Japanese mochi on a single plate. The drinks menu will feature Andong's traditional liquors, taesaju and Andong soju, alongside sake from Nara Prefecture, the hometown of Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi. In Andong, interest in Tuesday's dinner stretches far beyond the world of diplomacy. In the famed alley in the city's old market, where eateries selling jjimdak are clustered, merchants are hopeful that the dinner will spark worldwide curiosity about their local specialty. Local jjimdak establishments have suffered since deadly wildfires tore through the North Gyeongsang region in March last year, depressing tourism. "After the fires last year, there were hardly any customers, even on weekends," said Lim, a 59-year-old jjimdak restaurant owner in the market. Ahead of the summit, merchants' optimism has grown. Their hopes are not unfounded, as Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang, saw renewed popular interest after Chinese President Xi Jinping praised its local specialty, Hwangnam bread, a small pastry filled with red bean paste, while visiting the city for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in October of last year. President Lee's visit to Andong's old market on Monday, a day before the summit, also heightened hopes that the city could rebound and become a center of culinary trends. "Things were finally beginning to recover," Lim said. "Now the president has visited, and a chicken dish from Andong will be served at the summit dinner. It is uplifting news for people he...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. [NEWS ANALYSIS] The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has laid bare Korea's acute vulnerability in energy security — arguably the most exposed among major Asian economies. While Korea scrambled to secure crude oil and LNG supplies, neighboring Japan — whose energy self-development rate is more than four times higher — was likely far less rattled. China, meanwhile, is in an entirely different league as a major energy producer itself. Despite facing similar resource constraints as Korea, Japan has built greater resilience through aggressive overseas equity investments and diversified procurement channels, allowing it to maintain relatively stable energy supplies during the latest crisis. Energy experts warn that Korea remains dangerously fragile in terms of strategic energy security, and as the rivalry between the United States and China intensifies, strengthening the nation's energy self-sufficiency is no longer optional but essential. Korea lags in Asia Korea's energy self-development rate — the share of oil and gas secured through domestic companies' overseas and local production relative to total imports — stood at just 10.8 percent in 2024, according to data from the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources. This was down from 15.5 percent in 2015. By contrast, Japan raised the ratio from 27.2 percent to 42.1 percent over the same period. Tokyo aims to push the figure to 60 percent by 2040, according to data from Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. Both Korea and Japan are manufacturing powerhouses in sectors such as automobiles, semiconductors and petrochemicals, yet remain overwhelmingly dependent on imports for the oil, natural gas and critical minerals needed to sustain those industries. To hedge against supply risks, they pursue equity-based resource development by investing in large-scale overseas energy projects operated by global oil majors such as ExxonMobil and Shell, or by partnering directly with host governments to secure production stakes. Japan has been particularly aggressive in expanding its LNG self-development capacity, with Australia accounting for roughly 40 percent of its natural gas imports. Much of that supply comes from projects they have stakes in, including the Ichthys LNG Project. Although Japan joined Western sanctions against Russia, it has continued importing LNG from the Sakhalin-2 project, in which Japanese firms have held equity stakes since the early stages of development. Sakhalin-2 accounts for roughly 10 percent of Japan's LNG imports. Australia is also central to Korea's overseas energy investment strategy, where Korea Gas Corp. holds a 15 percent stake in the GLNG Project, a massive liquefied natural gas development from which Korea has imported roughly 3.5 million tons of LNG annually under a 20-year supply agreement that began in 2016. In the case of crude oil, Japan's dependence on the Middle East stands at about 95 percent, even higher than Korea's 70 percent. Yet Japan has secured key equity stakes in offshore oil fields in Abu Dhabi, allowing it to produce and procure substantial volumes directly from the region. "Japan's primary exposure to Middle Eastern fossil fuels may be greater, but when measured across resilience indicators such as self-development rates, refining autonomy, strategic reserves and alliance-based resource networks, Korea remains the most vulnerable among major East Asian economies," said Cho Hong-chong, an economics professor at Dankook University. Japan surpassed its 2030 target for oil and natural gas self-development — reaching 40.6 percent in 2020 against a goal of 40 percent — and raised its target to above 50 percent. Japan is also the only Group of 7 country that provides large-scale public financing for overseas resource development projects, with much of the support funneled through the Japan Organization for Metals and Energy Security, or Jogmec. China, meanwhile, as ...

The author is a playwright and director. "Jellyfish," a play about love and self-determination among people with developmental disabilities, recently won a Baeksang Arts Award after earlier receiving the Dong-A Theater Award in 2025. The consecutive honors marked a turning point for disability theater, long treated as a marginal genre in Korea. They reflected not only growing public awareness of people with disabilities but also a broader advance in the artistic quality of such productions. The achievement owed much to disabled performers, nondisabled production staff who collaborated with them, financial support and the mature writing of British playwright Ben Weatherill. That is why another production, "Birotdoeda" (roughly meaning "to begin," "to originate" or "to emerge from something"), written by Kim Ji-su and directed by Kang Ye-seul for the disabled theater company Aein, carried a different kind of resonance. Written by a Korean playwright with disabilities and performed entirely by disabled actors, the play guided audiences with an unusually calm rhythm built around the idea of rest. The stage is set inside "Birot," a guesthouse operated by disabled people and open only to disabled guests. Visitors can choose furniture suited to their own physical needs, including size and height. Audience members seated close to the stage are also invited to choose chairs according to their preferences. Respect for difference and open accessibility appear to form the central theme of the production. The breathing of the guesthouse, surrounded by nature, unfolds slowly. The first half of the play, performed by actors whose speech and movement are deliberately unhurried, demands patience from the audience. Gradually, however, the production draws viewers into moments of quiet peace: drinking coffee, reading tarot cards and sitting silently together on a wooden platform. Within that stillness, movements often overlooked in ordinary life begin to stand out. The near-struggle of transferring from a wheelchair onto the platform, trembling hands stacking Jenga blocks and even the conducting of Brahms by an actor with a brain lesion disability revealed each performer's effort, physical path and presence. The scenes were deeply beautiful. Aein has now spent 19 years as a disabled theater company. Its achievements were not the product of sudden success but of long companionship, patience and shared endurance. Rather than asking audiences to admire disability from a distance, the production quietly reshaped the pace at which the audience watched and listened. By slowing everyday gestures and conversations, it challenged conventional ideas about efficiency, fluency and theatrical tension. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Ha Hyun-ock The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. Korea's National Pension Service is effectively printing money. Last year alone, amid a rally in the domestic stock market, the fund earned 231 trillion won ($154 billion) at an exchange rate of 1,500 won per dollar, recording an annual return of 18.8 percent. This year's pace has been even stronger. With the Kospi approaching the 8,000 mark, the fund is estimated to have earned another 250 trillion won in just four months. On May 6, former Vice Health and Welfare Minister Lee Seu-ran said the pension fund's assets likely exceeded 1.7 quadrillion won. Compared with the 1.46 quadrillion won recorded at the end of last year, the gains accumulated in four months already surpass last year's investment profits. They are also nearly four times larger than this year's expected pension premium income of 63 trillion won. When the national pension's reserves grow, hopes for stable retirement security rise as well. Parametric reforms that increased contributions and benefits only delayed projected fund depletion by roughly 10 years. Even so, the pension fund is still expected to run out by 2057. Since a drastic increase in pension premiums is politically difficult, improving investment returns remains the only realistic way to delay depletion. According to the government's third long-term fiscal projection released in October of last year, raising the pension fund's target annual return from 4.5 percent to 5.5 percent would postpone depletion until 2073. Under a 6.5 percent return scenario, the fund would not be exhausted until 2090. Higher returns, in other words, could substantially extend the life of the pension system and ease concerns about long-term sustainability. Optimism is spreading. If current trends continue, the pension fund appears likely to post record returns for a fourth consecutive year. The biggest contributor has been domestic equities. Last year, while the Kospi rose 76 percent, the value of domestic shares held by the pension fund climbed 82.4 percent. As a result, the fund's average investment return from 2023 through 2025 rose sharply to 16.05 percent. Given that the Kospi has already gained about 74 percent this year, another record appears possible. Yet behind this "money-printing" boom lies a growing concentration in domestic stocks. As of February, Korean equities accounted for 24.5 percent of the pension fund's portfolio. Considering the recent market rally, the figure has likely climbed well above 25 percent. That is an unusually high level for a pension fund expected to prioritize long-term stability. Under existing guidelines, the pension fund's target allocation for domestic equities this year is 14.9 percent. Even after accounting for permitted ranges under strategic asset allocation and tactical asset allocation rules, the maximum allowed level is 19.9 percent. However, in January, the National Pension Fund Management Committee temporarily suspended the strategic allocation cap, allowing domestic stock holdings to exceed the target by more than 10 percentage points. Normally, the pension fund follows a mechanical rebalancing strategy. When an asset class rises above its target share, the fund sells part of it to realize gains and purchases relatively undervalued assets. In principle, domestic stocks should have been sold once their share exceeded 17.9 percent. But because the cap was suspended, rebalancing never occurred and domestic equity exposure expanded further. The problem may emerge next month when the temporary measure expires. Some analysts warn that if the pension fund resumes rebalancing, it could unleash a "sell-off shock" worth as much as 130 trillion won to 165 trillion won. That is why some policymakers argue that the new 2027–31 medium-term asset allocation plan, to be finalized on May 28, should raise the target allocation for domestic equities. But keeping stocks simply to prop up the market could endanger the ret...

Kim Byung-yeon The author is a chaired professor of economics at Seoul National University. In the early 19th century, Britain stood at a crossroads of progress and division, dominance and collapse. Adam Smith's "The Wealth of Nations" (1776) helped legitimize capitalism, which until then had often been viewed with suspicion and fear. Around the same time, the steam engine revolution transformed society. Regardless of social status or education, those with technical skills and capital could now become wealthy. But the changes also produced severe social conflict. Workers displaced by mechanization launched the Luddite movement, destroying factory machinery and attacking employers. While the rich built temple-like mansions with their enormous fortunes, children and pregnant women worked more than 12 hours a day in coal mines. Britain was also engaged in fierce geopolitical rivalry, fighting Napoleon's France for a decade. Had Britain lost the Battle of Waterloo, the British Empire might have collapsed, and the course of world history could have changed. Another era of upheaval has now arrived. The 19th century witnessed the Industrial Revolution, the spread of capitalism and democracy and intense competition for global supremacy. Any one of these developments alone could have transformed the world. The fact that they unfolded simultaneously reveals the scale of the disruption. Today, similar forces are converging once again. The possibility of a massive industrial revolution driven by AI, the weakening of democracy and capitalism and the intensifying rivalry between the United States and China are becoming closely intertwined. Global historical transformations emerge under such conditions. Enormous opportunities coexist with grave risks, and volatility and uncertainty shake societies around the globe. The fate of both individuals and nations may depend on how successfully they endure and use this transition to their advantage. The question is whether we are prepared. The AI revolution may bring broader and faster creative destruction than the steam engine revolution ever did. Humanity has long coexisted with animals that are stronger than humans, but never with beings that are more intelligent. That reality is now changing. A widening divide could emerge between a small number of wealthy people profiting from creative industries and a large population engaged in physical or emotional labor that intelligent robots cannot easily replace. The destruction of jobs is also likely to proceed far more quickly. Physical machinery takes time to spread, but digital technologies move almost instantly across networks. During what could be decades of transition before a new employment ecosystem stabilizes, mass unemployment, polarization and resulting social and political conflict may prove unavoidable. If ethical standards for AI are not established in time, direct conflict between humans and AI could even emerge. The U.S.-China rivalry is also likely to persist for decades, amplifying the instability created by technological transformation. Both countries possess vast territories and populations, giving them exceptional resilience and abundant resources. They differ fundamentally from earlier powers such as Britain, which depended heavily on colonies, or what was once the Soviet Union, which relied on satellite states in its rivalry with the United States. Both countries also face serious internal vulnerabilities. China's greatest risk lies in a potential collision between economic development and political rigidity. After the Industrial Revolution, France, Germany and Russia failed to resolve similar contradictions and descended into crisis. Their economies expanded through capitalism and industrialization, but unlike Britain, their outdated political systems struggled to absorb rising social tensions. France and Germany projected their frustrations outward through war, whereas Russia experienced a socialist revolution. China now fac...

President Lee Jae Myung and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi held their third summit meeting on Tuesday in Andong, North Gyeongsang. It came just four months after their previous meeting in Nara Prefecture in January and about a half year since their encounter during last year's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, reflecting the rapid normalization of shuttle diplomacy between the two countries. Lee noted that regular summits held in each leader's hometown were rare in global diplomacy, while Takaichi joked that the absence of a time difference should allow them to speak frequently by phone. Their close diplomatic engagement has produced tangible results beyond symbolism. The two sides agreed to strengthen cooperation on liquefied natural gas and crude oil supply chains as instability in the Middle East raises concerns over energy security. South Korea and Japan also decided to develop a framework allowing mutual sharing of crude oil and petroleum products during emergencies and discussed creating a joint energy stockpiling system in Southeast Asia. They further pledged to cooperate in ensuring safe and free navigation through the Strait of Hormuz. The summit also produced progress on a longstanding humanitarian issue. The two countries agreed to begin DNA analysis of remains recovered from the Josei coal mine site, marking what both governments described as an important first step. Only a few years ago, South Korea-Japan relations had fallen into severe confrontation. Emotional disputes symbolized by the "No Japan" boycott campaign and nationalist rhetoric drove bilateral ties to what many called their lowest point since diplomatic normalization in 1965. Yet repeated meetings and direct communication between leaders have restored frozen diplomatic channels and significantly improved relations. The shift comes at a time of intensifying geopolitical uncertainty. Russian President Vladimir Putin's state visit to China and the subsequent China-Russia summit have heightened concerns over growing strategic coordination among North Korea, China and Russia. At the same time, anxiety persists over renewed isolationist tendencies under U.S. President Donald Trump's second administration. Against that backdrop, closer South Korea-Japan cooperation through regular shuttle diplomacy has increasingly become a matter of strategic necessity rather than diplomatic choice. For such cooperation to remain sustainable, however, it must not become hostage to domestic political interests. Both countries should avoid repeating past practices of exploiting diplomatic disputes for political mobilization at home. Agreements reached between states should be maintained consistently regardless of changes in government. It was encouraging that the two leaders also discussed cooperation on personal information protection and responses to online scam crimes increasingly affecting citizens in both countries. The real purpose of shuttle diplomacy ultimately lies in producing practical cooperation that ordinary people can directly feel in their daily lives. Only then can the foundation of South Korea-Japan relations become truly durable. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Lee Young-keun and read by an artificial voice. With only two days left before a planned walkout by a Samsung Electronics labor union, management and workers remained deadlocked as of press time on Tuesday. Still, the government's chief mediator struck an optimistic tone. The closed-door session at the National Labor Relations Commission's Sejong office began at 10 a.m. Tuesday and continued through the evening, after the Monday meeting failed to close the gap. Commission Chairman Park Soo-keun told reporters there was still room for a deal. "There's still a possibility of an agreement between the two sides and the differences are narrowing," Park said. "We'll wrap up the negotiations by 7 p.m. if at all possible." He added that the commission planned to walk through the unresolved points from the previous day with both sides. Monday's session saw the formula for distributing the performance bonus fund emerge as the main flashpoint. Union leadership has proposed allocating 70 percent of the fund at the division level and 30 percent at the individual business unit level — a structure intended to soften the gap between business units and ensure that employees at the loss-making System LSI and Foundry units still receive some compensation. The company has pushed back. Management has warned that an outsize division-wide pool would effectively put employees at money-losing units on par with those at profitable ones. The shift would undercut Samsung's longstanding pay-for-performance principle. Both System LSI and Foundry are again expected to operate in the red this year. Inside Samsung, this has raised concerns that lifting the division-wide share to 70 percent would sharply narrow the bonus gap between the strongly performing memory business and weaker units. Pushback from rank-and-file employees has also surfaced. "It's hard to accept a structure where the chronically loss-making System LSI and Foundry get performance bonuses on par with Memory," a worker who identified themselves as a member of the Semiconductor R&D Center wrote on an internal message board. The same post argued for raising the business-unit weighting to "30 percent at the division level and 70 percent at the business unit level." Industry watchers warn that overcompensating loss-making units could erode internal discipline and set a negative precedent for the wider corporate sector. "If Samsung Electronics produces an agreement that lacks fairness and reasonableness in evaluation, this is an issue that could affect other companies as well," said Jeon Hye-sun, a labor attorney at Yeollin Labor. "There's a high chance this spreads as significant fallout across the entire performance compensation system." A more realistic compromise of 40 percent division-wide and 60 percent at the business unit level is also reportedly being floated internally, though the gap between labor and management makes a near-term deal unlikely. Internal union conflict has continued in parallel. "Once this wraps up, let's think about splitting the union. National Samsung Electronics Union [NSEU] and Samsung Electronics Labor Union [SELU] are too much," wrote Choi Seung-ho, head of the Samsung Electronics chapter of the Samsung Group United Union, in a cross-affiliate communication channel on Telegram on Monday. "Honestly, I can't deal with DX [the company's Device eXperience division] anymore." After the post drew criticism, he deleted it and apologized on a separate channel for "mistakenly posting a vent meant for leadership." The union's vice chair, Lee Song-yi, had also drawn internal backlash with similar comments about the DX division. "If they want to spin off, let them. We who brought it this far will take responsibility," he said. Choi's remarks are seen as fallout from a clash at Monday's session with the NSEU and the SELU. The two unions oppose a bonus proposal centered on the Device Solutions (DS) semiconductor division. They staged a picket protest o...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Boy band xikers is starting again from zero — and stepping hard on the accelerator right away with its latest anthem "OKay." "When performing 'OKay' on stage, I feel like we're all possessed with the same feverish energy," said member Minjae during a press showcase for the group's seventh EP, "Route Zero: The Ora," at NOL Theater Tongyang Life Insurance Hall in Mapo District, western Seoul, on Tuesday — also the day of the album's release. True to his words, the group delivered "OKay," the lead track of the latest EP, with a notably high-impact live performance marked by explosive choreography and raw energy. The fast-paced song builds toward a dance break, which begins with a shout and ends with all 10 members stomping their feet with a collective thump. xikers, which debuted under KQ Entertainment in March 2023, consists of Minjae, Junmin, Sumin, Jinsik, Hyunwoo, Junghoon, Seeun, Yujun, Hunter and Yechan. "Route Zero: The Ora" features five songs: "OKay," "Ghost Rider," "Graffiti," "Trophy" and "Outsider." The dance-pop lead track, "OKay," is marked by energetic chants in the chorus and rapid rap verses. Yechan described the song as "showing xikers's unique energy as we boldly defy the world's rules." The latest album comes about seven months after the group's sixth EP, "House of Tricky: Wrecking the House" (2025), which concluded the boy band's "House of Tricky" series that began with its debut EP, "House of Tricky: Doorbell Ringing" (2023). In other words, "Route Zero" is xikers's first new series since its debut. "The series' title, 'Route Zero,' signifies us starting anew from the ashes after 'Wrecking the House,'" said Jinsik. "The road ahead may be rough, but we hope that people look forward to seeing us grow as we pave our own new path forward." "I believe our sincerity, carried through our songs, sets us apart on stage," Sumin said. "Some of our fans have told us that our performances give them motivation and comfort to keep going even when life is difficult, which made me feel lucky to have this job." With well-earned confidence in their live performance abilities, the members said that they dream of standing on bigger stages. "We'd like to perform at major festivals, such as Lollapalooza or Coachella, one day," said Seeun. Leader Minjae noted that the members had many conversations while preparing for the album, for which they worked hard to complement one another's strengths. "We're growing step by step," he said. "One day, we'll reach the highest stage like that. And when people look back at this moment in the future, we want them to think, 'They were really giving their all when they were young — and they're still doing that now.'"

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice. When Vietnamese student Le Huong Giang came to Korea, she believed she had prepared well for the future that she hoped to build here. For months, she studied Korean and researched local universities, all while imagining a life in a country that promotes itself as a rising global education hub. But on the very first day of class, she realized that the reality was far more difficult than she had expected, with language barriers that extended far beyond everyday conversation and an environment in which it was difficult to feel a true sense of belonging. "I came to Korea with concerns about whether I would be able to keep up academically and socially," Le told the Korea JoongAng Daily with the help of an AI translation tool and Duong Tien Dat, a K-campus ambassador from Vietnam. "Even though I had studied Korean beforehand and learned a lot about the country, [adjusting to] the reality has been far more difficult than I expected it to be." K-campus is an online platform for international students, run by the Korea JoongAng Daily, that offers guidance on life in Korea. "The people around me are nice, and I haven't experienced any severe discrimination, but I often find it difficult to follow [conversations] and fully adapt," Le added. Her experience reflects a growing contradiction alongside Korea's higher education ambitions: While universities race to attract international students, many of those students continue to struggle due to language barriers and consequent integration issues. The gap starts with language barriers Though Korea has seen the number of international students more than double from 163,699 in 2021 to 328,330 as of April, data shows that this milestone has been achieved without meeting one of the most basic criteria: language requirements. The Ministry of Education recommends that universities admit students who have achieved at least Level 3 on the Test of Proficiency in Korean (Topik) or a score of 59 or higher on the Test of English as a Foreign Language Internet-based Test (Toefl iBT). In practice, however, many universities admit students who did not meet those standards. According to recent data from the Korean Council for University Education, more than half — or 50.1 percent — of the country's 320,000-plus international students fell short of the Education Ministry's recommended minimum language proficiency benchmarks. At universities outside Seoul, where administrative resources are often more limited, that figure rises to 58.5 percent. The issue is structural. Admission decisions are largely left to institutional discretion, and universities face no direct penalties for enrolling students who do not meet the ministry's guidelines. Language barriers lead to alienation For Korean students, the growing language divide is beginning to reshape the classroom experience itself. Group projects, presentations and discussion-based assignments often become sources of anxiety due to the potential risk of having to struggle with communication barriers on top of a difficult task. "To be honest, many Korean students, myself included, worry about group projects when we are paired with international students," one Korean student told the Korea JoongAng Daily on the condition of anonymity. "Sometimes they cannot fully understand the discussions because of the language barrier, but our grades are tied together." The frustration, however, appears to run even deeper among international students. "I know that, as a student who chose to study here, I'm the one who has to work harder to overcome the language barrier," said Juan Antonio, an international student who asked to be identified by his first name. "However, I can't help but feel discouraged when I sense that Korean students don't really want to work with us." Will AI tools solve the problem? In response to mounting concerns, many universities have begun introducing AI translation technologies ...

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice. When Vietnamese student Le Huong Giang came to Korea, she believed she had prepared well for the future that she hoped to build here. For months, she studied Korean and researched local universities, all while imagining a life in a country that promotes itself as a rising global education hub. But on the very first day of class, she realized that the reality was far more difficult than she had expected, with language barriers that extended far beyond everyday conversation and an environment in which it was difficult to feel a true sense of belonging. "I came to Korea with concerns about whether I would be able to keep up academically and socially," Le told the Korea JoongAng Daily with the help of an AI translation tool and Duong Tien Dat, a K-campus ambassador from Vietnam. "Even though I had studied Korean beforehand and learned a lot about the country, [adjusting to] the reality has been far more difficult than I expected it to be." K-campus is an online platform for international students, run by the Korea JoongAng Daily, that offers guidance on life in Korea. "The people around me are nice, and I haven't experienced any severe discrimination, but I often find it difficult to follow [conversations] and fully adapt," Le added. Her experience reflects a growing contradiction alongside Korea's higher education ambitions: While universities race to attract international students, many of those students continue to struggle due to language barriers and consequent integration issues. The gap starts with language barriers Though Korea has seen the number of international students more than double from 163,699 in 2021 to 328,330 as of April, data shows that this milestone has been achieved without meeting one of the most basic criteria: language requirements. The Ministry of Education recommends that universities admit students who have achieved at least Level 3 on the Test of Proficiency in Korean (Topik) or a score of 59 or higher on the Test of English as a Foreign Language Internet-based Test (Toefl iBT). In practice, however, many universities admit students who did not meet those standards. According to recent data from the Korean Council for University Education, more than half — or 50.1 percent — of the country's 320,000-plus international students fell short of the Education Ministry's recommended minimum language proficiency benchmarks. At universities outside Seoul, where administrative resources are often more limited, that figure rises to 58.5 percent. The issue is structural. Admission decisions are largely left to institutional discretion, and universities face no direct penalties for enrolling students who do not meet the ministry's guidelines. Language barriers lead to alienation For Korean students, the growing language divide is beginning to reshape the classroom experience itself. Group projects, presentations and discussion-based assignments often become sources of anxiety due to the potential risk of having to struggle with communication barriers on top of a difficult task. "To be honest, many Korean students, myself included, worry about group projects when we are paired with international students," one Korean student told the Korea JoongAng Daily on the condition of anonymity. "Sometimes they cannot fully understand the discussions because of the language barrier, but our grades are tied together." The frustration, however, appears to run even deeper among international students. "I know that, as a student who chose to study here, I'm the one who has to work harder to overcome the language barrier," said Juan Antonio, an international student who asked to be identified by his first name. "However, I can't help but feel discouraged when I sense that Korean students don't really want to work with us." Will AI tools solve the problem? In response to mounting concerns, many universities have begun introducing AI translation technologies ...

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice. When Vietnamese student Le Huong Giang came to Korea, she believed she had prepared well for the future that she hoped to build here. For months, she studied Korean and researched local universities, all while imagining a life in a country that promotes itself as a rising global education hub. But on the very first day of class, she realized that the reality was far more difficult than she had expected, with language barriers that extended far beyond everyday conversation and an environment in which it was difficult to feel a true sense of belonging. "I came to Korea with concerns about whether I would be able to keep up academically and socially," Le told the Korea JoongAng Daily with the help of an AI translation tool and Duong Tien Dat, a K-campus ambassador from Vietnam. "Even though I had studied Korean beforehand and learned a lot about the country, [adjusting to] the reality has been far more difficult than I expected it to be." K-campus is an online platform for international students, run by the Korea JoongAng Daily, that offers guidance on life in Korea. "The people around me are nice, and I haven't experienced any severe discrimination, but I often find it difficult to follow [conversations] and fully adapt," Le added. Her experience reflects a growing contradiction alongside Korea's higher education ambitions: While universities race to attract international students, many of those students continue to struggle due to language barriers and consequent integration issues. The gap starts with language barriers Though Korea has seen the number of international students more than double from 163,699 in 2021 to 328,330 as of April, data shows that this milestone has been achieved without meeting one of the most basic criteria: language requirements. The Ministry of Education recommends that universities admit students who have achieved at least Level 3 on the Test of Proficiency in Korean, or the Topik, or a score of 59 or higher on the Test of English as a Foreign Language Internet-based Test, or the Toefl iBT. In practice, however, many universities admit students who did not meet those standards. According to recent data from the Korean Council for University Education, more than half — or 50.1 percent — of the country's 320,000-plus international students fell short of the Education Ministry's recommended minimum language proficiency benchmarks. At universities outside Seoul, where administrative resources are often more limited, that figure rose to 58.5 percent. The issue is structural. Admission decisions are largely left to institutional discretion, and universities face no direct penalties for enrolling students who do not meet the ministry's guidelines. Language barriers lead to alienation For Korean students, the growing language divide is beginning to reshape the classroom experience itself. Group projects, presentations and discussion-based assignments often become sources of anxiety due to the potential risk of having to struggle with communication barriers on top of a difficult task. "To be honest, many Korean students, myself included, worry about group projects when we are paired with international students," one Korean student told the Korea JoongAng Daily on the condition of anonymity. "Sometimes they cannot fully understand the discussions because of the language barrier, but our grades are tied together." The frustration, however, appears to run even deeper among international students. "I know that, as a student who chose to study here, I'm the one who has to work harder to overcome the language barrier," said Juan Antonio, an international student who asked to be identified by his first name. "However, I can't help but feel discouraged when I sense that Korean students don't really want to work with us." Will AI tools solve the problem? In response to mounting concerns, many universities have begun introducing AI translation t...

Park Won-gon The author is a professor of North Korean studies at Ewha Womans University. "We can't continue to allow China to rape our country." "Together, we have the chance to create a future of greater prosperity, cooperation and happiness." Both remarks came from U.S. President Donald Trump. The first was delivered during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, while the second came during a toast at last week's U.S.-China summit. Trump's China policy, which has swung sharply between extremes, may now culminate in effectively elevating China to equal status alongside the United States, forming a de facto "Group of Two." Chinese President Xi Jinping was unusually direct in addressing Washington. During opening remarks at the summit, he invoked the "Thucydides Trap," the theory that war often erupts when a rising power challenges an established hegemon. According to Graham Allison of Harvard University, the current U.S.-China rivalry represents the 17th historical case of the Thucydides Trap, with roughly 75 percent of previous cases ending in war. Xi's decision to raise the concept directly in front of Trump carried a clear message: avoiding conflict requires the United States to recognize China as an equal partner. In effect, Xi was demanding that Washington stop fearing Beijing's rise and formally acknowledge its enhanced status. Xi's dinner remarks were equally revealing. He stated that "the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and making America great again can go hand in hand." The "great rejuvenation" refers to China's long-term strategy, often linked to the "Chinese Dream," which aims to restore the country to a central global position by 2049. MAGA, by contrast, increasingly reflects a form of selective isolationism centered on domestic priorities and reduced involvement in regions lacking vital U.S. interests. The Trump administration has translated this into preserving overwhelming U.S. influence across the Western Hemisphere. Xi's remarks suggested a broader strategic vision: a division of global influence between the United States and China. Under such a framework, Washington would dominate the Western Hemisphere while Beijing would secure primacy in Asia. The idea echoes Xi's repeated statement since 2013 that "the vast Pacific Ocean is large enough to accommodate both China and the United States." Implicitly, the proposal amounts to a division of spheres of influence, with the United States overseeing the eastern Pacific and China asserting dominance over the western Pacific. China has framed this approach as a "constructive strategic stability relationship." According to the Chinese foreign ministry, the concept envisions stability based on cooperation, manageable competition, controlled disagreements and a commitment to peace. This marks an evolution from Xi's earlier concept of a "new type of major-power relations," introduced in 2012. That framework also treated the United States and China as equals, but largely downplayed rivalry while emphasizing mutual respect and shared interests. Washington never fully accepted it. The new formulation differs in openly acknowledging strategic competition and seeking to manage it rather than denying it. Unlike the earlier proposal, it was explicitly referenced during a formal summit and included in Chinese foreign ministry statements, increasing the likelihood that it could shape real-world diplomacy. While Beijing arrived at the summit with a coherent strategy focused on establishing equal status with Washington, the Trump administration appeared to lack a clear China strategy altogether. There was little evidence of a consistent framework for managing relations with a rising China. Instead, the summit was shaped by domestic political pressures, including economic strain linked to the Iran war, falling approval ratings and Trump's highly personalized approach to international relations. According to polling analyst Nate Silver, Trump's approval rating fell to 3...

Koh Hyun-kohn The author is the chief editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. Almost one year into the Lee Jae Myung administration, stock investors are the clearest winners in the economy. The Kospi, which stood at 2,698 points when President Lee first took office, has nearly tripled since then. An investor who put 100 million won ($66,850) into an index fund last summer would now hold assets worth about 300 million won. In 2025 alone, individual investors earned 429 trillion won from stocks, and profits have only grown stronger. Stories about people earning "a lifetime's worth of savings" in a short period of time have become common. Despite obvious signs of overheating, the market is dominated by investors' optimism. Last year, the president said that he wanted to create an environment in which "returning to the domestic stock market would be considered a sign of intelligence." In some ways, that goal has been realized. But not everyone is celebrating. Those unable or unwilling to join the stock rally increasingly suffer from "FOMO," or the fear of missing out. That does not mean that they lack judgment. Some are simply unwilling to risk their retirement savings on equities, and others do not have the money to spare for investments. For people outside the market, Lee's "sign of intelligence" remark can sound insulting. While rising stock prices are preferable to falling ones, they do little to reduce inequality. According to the Bank of Korea, the wealthiest 20 percent of households own 73 percent of all stocks. The wealthy become wealthier, and many lower-income households remain spectators. Young people and low-income earners hoping to transform their financial situation have increasingly turned to debt-financed investing. Outstanding margin loans that are used to buy stocks have surpassed a record 36 trillion won. That is hardly normal. However, the government appears more focused on boosting markets than warning the public about risks. On May 11, as the Kospi rose for the fifth consecutive session, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol remarked that the market remained undervalued. The country's top economic official sounded more like a securities firm executive than a policymaker tasked with maintaining stability. Investors bear primary responsibility for their own decisions, but a government that ignores or encourages speculative excess cannot avoid responsibility forever. Another group of winners during this administration's first year has been apartment owners in Seoul and the surrounding metropolitan areas. Housing prices have repeatedly surged despite government measures aimed at stabilization, with many increasing by 500 million won to 1 billion won over the past year alone. Earlier this month, Lee declared that "the myth that real estate prices never fall no longer exists," but the reality suggests otherwise. After heavier capital gains taxes on owners of multiple homes resumed on May 10, apartment prices began to climb again. At the start of the administration, officials predicted that money would flow out of the real estate market and into stocks. Instead, the reverse happened. Many people used profits from stocks to buy property. According to the Bank of Korea, people without homes spent roughly 70 percent of their stock profits on real estate purchases. The government appears to have underestimated the fact that property ownership still dominates public thinking. More troubling than the soaring housing prices is the rental market. The number of available jeonse (lump-sum deposit) and monthly rental listings has fallen by more than 30 percent this year, which has pushed prices sharply higher. Last week, Seoul's jeonse prices recorded their steepest increase in a decade. In some cases, renters are signing contracts before even viewing properties, creating what has become known as "no-look jeonse." Even in outer Seoul districts, such as Nowon, Dobong, Gangbuk, Geumcheon, Gwanak and Guro, ...

Last-minute negotiations between Samsung Electronics management and its labor union failed on Monday despite government mediation ahead of a threatened strike over performance bonuses. Attention is now focused on whether both sides will accept a compromise proposal from the National Labor Relations Commission during follow-up mediation talks scheduled for Tuesday. With concerns growing that direct and indirect losses from a strike could reach as much as 100 trillion won ($66.2 billion), Korea cannot afford a breakdown that would inflict serious damage on the broader economy and the semiconductor industry. Even President Lee Jae Myung intervened publicly in an apparent effort to prevent a walkout. In a social media post released shortly before negotiations began, Lee emphasized that in a country founded on a liberal democratic order and a capitalist market economy, labor deserves respect just as corporations do, and workers' rights must be balanced with management rights. Lee added that although constitutional rights are guaranteed, they may be restricted when necessary for the public good, provided their essential nature is not violated. Quoting the phrase "excess becomes deficiency," he appeared to warn that excessive demands or radical actions by the union could trigger public backlash. His remarks were also interpreted as signaling the possible use of emergency mediation powers. The courts have also moved in management's favor, weakening the momentum behind the strike. The Suwon District Court's Civil Division 31 ruled on Monday that even during industrial action, the union must maintain Samsung Electronics' fire prevention, ventilation and drainage facilities at normal operating levels. The court also ordered union members to continue essential work needed to prevent damage to facilities and the deterioration or spoilage of raw materials and products. It additionally banned the occupation of company facilities. Despite intervention from both the president and the judiciary, the union's rhetoric appears increasingly disconnected from public sentiment. According to reports, messages posted in a union Telegram chat room included statements such as "Samsung Electronics should simply be destroyed" and sarcastic remarks claiming the strike would help push the Kospi index down to 5,000. Such comments have heightened concerns that Korea's economy is effectively being held hostage by irresponsible behavior and extreme rhetoric during a sensitive economic period. The right to strike is unquestionably protected under the Constitution. But if that right is abused in ways that threaten the national economy, government intervention and mediation become difficult to avoid. Both labor and management should recognize the seriousness of the court ruling and the president's remarks. Rather than escalating confrontation, they should approach negotiations rationally and reach a compromise before the dispute develops into a broader economic crisis. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. After two decades in the industry, singer Taeyang of K-pop legend Big Bang returns to the basics — his quintessential self, reimagined in his first full-length album in nine years, "Quintessence." "When I first started working on this album, what I focused on most was figuring out what could feel the most like me while still being new," Taeyang said during a press conference held at Cube Convention Center in Mapo District, western Seoul, on Monday. "I've made a lot of music for the past 20 years, so challenging myself with something new was difficult in some ways," he continued. "Still, I deliberated a lot about what I could do at this point to try something new. All those thoughts and experiments are reflected throughout this album." Taeyang debuted as a member of the boy band Big Bang in 2006. As a soloist, he is best known for his 2014 hit "Eyes, Nose, Lips," a slow-tempo R&B ballad. Yet his latest lead single, "Live Fast Die Slow," marks a clear shift in tempo — "probably the most fast-temp song I have ever released," according to Taeyang — reflecting his attempt to venture into new musical territory. The upbeat, fast-paced pop track centers on lyrics that serve as "a declaration of the time spent fiercely living while holding onto his own center amid a fast-moving reality," according to his agency The Black Label. Taeyang's latest album, "Quintessence," is the vocalist's first full-length solo release in nine years since his third studio album "White Night" (2017), and comes three years after his second EP, "Down to Earth" (2023). "Quintessence" features 10 songs: the lead track, "Live Fast Die Slow," along with B-sides "Bad," "Would You," "Movie," "Open Up," "Love Like This," "Yes," "Now," "G.O.A.T," and "4U." The Kid Laroi is featured on "Open Up," while Tarzazan and Woochan of Allday Project — labelmates to Taeyang under The Black Label — are featured on "Would You." Renowned producers from The Black Label, including Teddy Park, Kush, Vince and VVN, worked closely with Taeyang on the release, alongside global producers such as Paul Blanco, who is credited on multiple tracks including "Love Like This" and "Yes." Rapper Tablo of Epik High is also credited for writing lyrics for multiple songs, including "Movie." The collaboration with Blanco started with an offer from the Korean Canadian producer, who grew up listening to Big Bang songs and therefore had a personal understanding of Taeyang's discography and legacy, according to the singer. "He really loved our early R&B tracks like 'A Fool of Tears' [2006]," Taeyang said, expressing gratitude to Blanco's commitment in producing the album. As for The Kid Laroi, Taeyang said the collaboration was a result of a streak of luck. His team had already envisioned the Australian singer as an ideal collaborator for "Open Up," but had not had the chance to reach out when The Kid Laroi happened to visit Korea for a Spotify event, leading to a dinner meeting, a studio tour and, ultimately, the collaboration. The collaboration with Allday Project's Tarzzan and Woochan, on the other hand, was Taeyang's idea, as the group reminded him of Big Bang's early days as rookies. "Watching Allday Project debut, for some reason, reminded me a lot of how it felt when we debuted," he said. "When they recorded the verses, I felt that it brought in the kind of freshness and texture we had back when we first debuted." Looking back on the full year he spent preparing for the album, Taeyang said he began the project to dig into the core of his musical identity, seeking an answer — and ultimately decided that a quintessence cannot be defined in a single word. "What I realized in the process is that even if you think you've found your essence, defining it as one thing and ending it there doesn't mean you've truly found it," he said. "For example, when we talk about freedom or love, there are so many layers that make up those words, an...

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice. Samsung Electronics' largest labor union is sticking with a plan to strike beginning Thursday, even as a court order requires key operations to continue at normal levels, with unions facing fines of 100 million won ($67,000) per day should they violate the court decision. The Suwon District Court partially granted an injunction sought by Samsung against its unions on Monday. While stopping short of prohibiting the strike outright, the court ordered that operations at semiconductor factories be maintained at normal levels of staffing, operating hours and scale in key areas throughout any collective action. The court also barred unions from occupying facilities related to production and core business operations. Unions found in violation face fines of 100 million won per day, while union chiefs would each be obligated to pay 10 million won per day. During the same day, the second round of post-mediation talks opened at 10 a.m. at the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) in Sejong, roughly a week after the first round collapsed without an agreement. Though the union had initially indicated it would resume talks only after the walkout, both sides returned to the table following a public appeal for dialogue from the government and Samsung Electronics Executive Chairman Lee Jae-yong. Mediation talks between Samsung Electronics' management and labor ended Monday without a conclusion. Discussions are set to resume Tuesday at 10 a.m. in what is shaping up to be a final effort to avert an 18-day strike the unions have announced over unmet demands on wages and bonus distributions. The Bank of Korea on Monday cited the possibility of a strike as a major risk to the Korean economy. In a worst-case scenario, the central bank estimated that a full production halt could result in damages of 30 trillion won, shaving 0.5 percentage points off this year's economic growth rate. Following the court ruling, however, it is unlikely that chip manufacturing production will come to a full stop. Yet how significantly an 18-day strike would disrupt chip manufacturing operations remains a matter of dispute, as management and labor have staked out conflicting interpretations of what the court meant by "normal levels" of staffing. While the court defined "normal" as referring to ordinary weekdays, or ordinary weekends and holidays, the Samsung Electronics chapter of the Samsung Group United Union (SGUU) argued that the court's ruling permits weekend and holiday staffing levels to apply even on weekdays, contending that the definition of "normal" in the court's decision could mean any of the three time designations. The union said the strike will be carried out as planned, with the number of workers required to remain on duty falling below Samsung's requested 7,000 — leaving the vast majority of its roughly 46,000 members free to participate. Management struck back, arguing that the ruling is unambiguous. It said that weekday-level staffing must be maintained on weekdays, and weekend and holiday-level staffing on weekends and holidays. "The company will separately notify employees in departments required to report to work as normal during the strike period," Samsung said in a statement following the ruling, adding that it would do everything possible to minimize operational disruption. Samsung's legal representative, Jipyong, reinforced the management position in a separate statement. "The claim made by the cross-affiliate union and its legal representatives that maintaining weekend and holiday staffing levels during a strike is sufficient to operate safety protection facilities and carry out security operations is an interpretation that contravenes the injunction ruling," the firm said. A flashpoint is whether the government will invoke its emergency arbitration powers should mediation collapse. Under Korean law, emergency arbitration can be triggered when a strike is determined to ...

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. Foreigners visiting Jeju Island for a "workcation" may soon see their visa-free stay limit tripled to 90 days alongside a halved income requirement, a policy shift aimed at lowering entry barriers for global remote workers. Under the proposed guidelines, eligible travelers entering the island without a visa will be allowed to extend their stay up to 90 days, provided they secure a recommendation from the provincial governor and meet the newly relaxed financial threshold. Currently, international tourists from all but 23 designated countries are permitted to enter and remain on Jeju visa-free for only 30 days. According to the Jeju Special Self-Governing Province on Monday, the Ministry of Justice recently accepted the local government's proposals to overhaul the existing visa exemption framework. The planned administrative adjustment aims to lengthen the temporary stay period and substantially relax the income threshold required under the national digital nomad visa, officially known as the F-1-D visa. The policy shift addresses a primary criticism of Korea's broader digital nomad initiative. Launched as a pilot program in January 2024, the nationwide F-1-D visa requires applicants to earn at least twice Korea's per capita gross national income (GNI) from the previous year. This translates to a strict annual threshold of 98.76 million won ($66,000), or roughly 8.32 million won per month. By comparison, Malaysia sets its digital nomad income cap at a much lower annual rate of $24,000, while Spain requires twice its national minimum wage, amounting to 34,188 euros ($40,000) per year. Japan, meanwhile, introduced a similar annual threshold of around $65,000 in March 2024, which grants eligible remote workers a six-month stay. The anticipated Jeju-exclusive adjustment will slash the current income requirement by half, allowing remote workers earning 4.16 million won or more per month to secure the 90-day extension. "We plan to review each application based on an official recommendation letter issued by the Jeju provincial government," a Ministry of Justice official said, adding that the province is expected to first vet candidate documents to verify that applicants are genuinely arriving for workcation purposes and that they meet the adjusted GNI baseline. Regarding the formal adjustment, a Jeju provincial official noted that multiple administrative steps still remain. The policy push also comes as Jeju experiences a rise in international arrivals. The number of foreign visitors to the island has risen steadily in recent years, reaching a nine-year high last year. According to data compiled by the Jeju Tourism Association, foreign arrivals surged to 2.24 million last year, a 17.7 percent increase compared to the previous year. Catering to this influx of international travelers, the Jeju Center for Creative Economy and Innovation, which runs the Jeju workcation offices and centers, has been spearheading targeted workcation initiatives for foreign nationals since last year, establishing dedicated coworking spaces and programs in scenic coastal areas. "The initiative is currently in a trial phase, but we are actively planning to host another specialized workcation program for international visitors this coming June," an official at the Jeju Center for Creative Economy and Innovation said. According to the provincial government, a total of 100,360 people had traveled to Jeju for workcation purposes as of December last year.

This article is by Kim Nam-young and read by an artificial voice. More people now disagree with the idea that mothers should stay home to care for their children, according to a recent survey that showed people against the idea surpassing those who agree for the first time since the survey was conducted in 2007. A total of 34.1 percent of the 7,300 respondents disagreed overall with the statement that children should be cared for at home by their mother, according to a survey by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs in the first half of this year. The figure combines the 27.9 percent who said they disagreed and the 6.3 percent who said they strongly disagreed. On the other hand, a total of 33.83 percent agreed with the statement, with 26.91 percent agreeing and 6.92 percent strongly agreeing. Another 32.05 percent said they neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement. The health and social affairs institute has been announcing the same survey every three years since 2007. This year is the first time that respondents opposed to the idea surpassed those in support of mothers staying home to care for children. Results from the inaugural survey in 2007 show a stark contrast. At the time, 64.7 percent of all respondents agreed overall with the statement that mothers should stay home to raise their kids, with 48.3 percent agreeing and 16.4 percent strongly agreeing. Only 17.7 percent disagreed overall, which included 15.9 percent who said they disagreed and 1.7 percent who said they strongly disagreed. Over the past 18 years, the share of respondents who agreed overall that mothers should stay home fell 30.87 percentage points to 33.83 percent. During the same period, the share of those who overall disagreed rose 16.42 percentage points to 34.12 percent. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. Mercedes-Benz opened its fifth global brand showroom in eastern Seoul's Seongsu-dong, a neighborhood widely regarded as a cultural hub for young Koreans, on Monday. Named "Mercedes-Benz Studio Seoul," the venue is part of the German luxury car marque's global initiative — marking the 140th anniversary of the brand — aimed at deepening customer engagement and expanding immersive brand experiences across 18 major cities worldwide. The Seoul opening follows those in Copenhagen, Stockholm, Tokyo and Prague. Open to both Mercedes owners and the general public, the space will host vehicle launches, showcase the marque's heritage and offer test-drive programs. "Mercedes-Benz Studio Seoul is a space created for Korea and for our customers and fans. Here, it represents our commitment to becoming even closer to Korean customers [...] and offering experiences that truly reflect the spirit and wellness of music," Mathias Vaitl said on Monday in his last press event as Mercedes-Benz Korea CEO. The automaker also unveiled the face-lifted Mercedes-Benz S-Class and Mercedes-Maybach S-Class at the showroom. Preorders for both began on Monday ahead of their domestic launch in the third quarter. The latest Mercedes-Benz CLA, the first model equipped with the company's proprietary Mercedes-Benz Operating System, was also on display. The CLA is the model that will incorporate Nvidia's Alpamayo autonomous-driving platform, which is expected to debut in Korea next year. Meanwhile, Mercedes appointed Shirin Emeera, who currently serves as head of dealer model market management and global network development at Mercedes-Benz AG, as the new CEO of Mercedes-Benz Korea. Her term begins on July 1. Vaitl, who had led the Korean unit since September 2023, was promoted to head of marketing and sales of vans at Mercedes-Benz AG.

This article is by Kim Chang-yong and read by an artificial voice. An employee restroom at a department store in southern Seoul's Gangnam District fills up stall by stall every day at 3:30 p.m. They're there to do business — but not the expected kind. Instead, they're checking how their stocks did today amid the Kospi boom. "My team leader disappears every day at 3:30 p.m.," said an employee surnamed Kim, who works at the department store. "I later found out it was because they feel awkward checking the stock prices in the office, so they go to the restroom instead." "Ever since my team leader started investing in stocks recently, they've been doing it every day." Department stores are far from the only places where such scenes unfold. Choi, who works as a caregiver in a provincial city, has recently started arriving at work an hour early to participate in what workers call an "ajumma stock-reading room" in the staff lounge. Ajumma refers to a middle-aged woman, and reading rooms are private chat groups or online communities through which participants share stock tips, investment strategies and real-time trading recommendations. "It's become routine for employees on the same shift to gather before work, share returns and discuss stocks," Choi said. "As stories spread about how much money someone made in the group, I also felt compelled to participate regularly." As the stock investment craze spreads across all ages and genders, more retail investors — commonly referred to in Korea as " donghak ants," a term for individual domestic stock investors — are reacting with extreme sensitivity to anything that may affect stock prices. With such investors emerging as a major force in shaping public opinion, politicians and government officials, in turn, are becoming increasingly mindful of them. The number of people holding shares in listed companies reached 14.56 million last year, according to the Korea Securities Depository, meaning that more than one in four Koreans invested in stocks. The figure has likely surged, given that the benchmark Kospi has recently extended gains. According to the Korea Financial Investment Association, the number of active stock trading accounts stood at 105.22 million as of May 4 — up by 6.93 million from the end of last year. As the number of retail investors grows, so does the number of cases in which people grow more sensitive and link everyday government policies or policymakers' remarks directly to stock prices. Kim Yong-beom, the presidential director of national policy, proposed on May 12 a public dividend plan to redistribute excess tax revenue collected from AI companies to the public. Following his remarks, the Kospi plunged nearly 7 percent, led by major semiconductor stocks, such as SK hynix. It remains unclear whether Kim Yong-beom's comments directly affected stock prices. However, after foreign media outlets, such as Bloomberg, reported that his remarks had rattled the market, people harshly criticized him on online stock forums, with some claiming that "the policy director bet against SK hynix." The Korean Pediatric Association, which is not directly related to the financial market, even filed a complaint against him with the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office at 2 p.m. that day, accusing him of violating the Financial Investment Services and Capital Markets Act. "The capital market is a legitimate path for young people to build wealth, but Kim [Yong-beom]'s comments undermined trust in the market," said Lim Hyun -taek, the head of the association. There have also been cases in which people issued death threats over ordinary policy discussions by civic groups, claiming that they could affect stock prices. For instance, after it became known that some civic groups, including the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, would hold an emergency forum titled "How should excess profits from semiconductors be shared?" on May 13, posts threatening to kill participants appe...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Boy band ZeroBaseOne was given two and a half years from the start. After reaching what was once supposed to be its ending point, the group is beginning anew — this time as a five-member act. Its sixth and latest EP, "Ascend-," comes at a delicate moment as the group has nearly halved in size at the height of its popularity, from a nine-member group to a quintet. Yet the remaining five are still looking upward. "The album's title, 'Ascend-,' signifies moving upward, while the hyphen at the end is also a key part of the album's message," said leader Sung Han-bin during a group interview with journalists in southern Seoul on Friday. "The hyphen represents how we are carrying on — now with the five of us." ZeroBaseOne debuted in 2023 as a project group consisting of the nine winners of the first season of Mnet's audition program "Boys Planet" (2023), destined from the beginning to disband after its contracted promotion period of two and a half years. The contract was later extended by two months into March, when the group held its farewell concert as members Sung, Kim Ji-woong, Seok Matthew, Kim Tae-rae and Park Gun-wook remained ZeroBaseOne, while the other four members — Zhang Hao, Ricky, Kim Gyu-vin and Han Yu-jin — have departed from the group, to debut anew as AND2BLE, along with former EVNNE member Yoo Seung-eon. The farewell, which Sung described as "the greatest sadness I have ever felt in my life," took an emotional toll on the group, if the tearful ending of its March concert was anything to go by. But the shift also posed a practical challenge: ZeroBaseOne, which had sold more than a million copies with each of its six consecutive albums since debut, now has to keep that momentum with nearly half its original headcount. "It would be a lie if I say we had no concerns about that," Park said. "But those concerns only fueled our passion as a team. As we prepared for this album, our goal became making music persuasive enough that people would want to keep listening to it, rather than focusing on album sales figures and achievements." "We do feel a sense of responsibility, but we want to make something that may stay in people's hearts and memories," said Kim Ji-woong. "If we can do that, the momentum will follow. What matters most is reaching people's hearts." The group's sixth EP, "Ascend-," comes eight months after its first full-length album, "Never Say Never" (2025), and marks the group's first new release since the shake-up. The album features seven songs: the lead track, "Top 5," and B-sides, "Intro.," "V for Vision," "Customize," "Exotic," "Changes" and "Zero to Hundred." "Customize," in particular, is a song written by member Park, marking his first self-produced song to be included in an album. The lead single, "Top 5," leans into contemporary R&B with a minimalistic instrumental, which the group's agency, WakeOne, described as "a modern reiteration of the 2000s dance pop." According to Seok, the song instantly reminded him of Usher, Michael Jackson and Justin Timberlake. "The moment I heard the tune, I could imagine how the performance would look like," he added. "Because the title is 'Top 5,' I initially thought this song would be about our declaration going forward," said Park. "But it's more about being drawn to someone, which was unexpected. But I think it's going to be a good synergy." At the same time, the group is taking a more stripped-down visual approach, with lighter makeup and everyday, casual outfits in its promotional images — a minimalist turn meant to signal the members' maturity in the second chapter of their career. "This time, we opted for a cleaner style rather than something flashy," said Sung. "What we realized during this album's preparation was that we still have so many things we want to do and try. So when we put forward minimalism in our concept this time, it meant that we want to preserve what remains inside us — th...

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice. [NEWS ANALYSIS] From semiconductors and camera modules to displays, Apple has long wielded enormous influence over suppliers thanks to its massive order volumes and the prestige that comes with being part of its supply chain. But when it comes to memory chips, that dominance is slipping. The device manufacturer now finds itself competing for chip supply against other U.S. tech giants since the AI boom upended the industry's established order. Demand is tilting increasingly toward U.S. hyperscalers such as Nvidia and Google, which are aggressively moving to secure high-end memory chips that are already in prolonged short supply. That supply flows primarily from two Korean chipmakers, Samsung Electronics and SK hynix. Apple, alongside its rivals, is now scrambling to secure dynamic random access memory (DRAM) chips, the prices of which continue to surge as memory suppliers shift focus toward high-performance chips known as high bandwidth memory (HBM), driven by massive orders from Nvidia. The pivot toward profitable HBM has, paradoxically, driven up consumer DRAM prices due to a supply shortage. The AI boom has also changed the way Apple secures chip agreements with Korean manufacturers. Where procurement contracts were once largely informal and short-lived, tech giants are now lining up to sign long-term supply deals spanning up to five years with the two Korean chipmakers. "Before the AI era, long-term supply agreements were not binding or as lengthy as the ones that are being contracted now," said a senior executive at the semiconductor industry who requested anonymity. "Back then, big buyers like Apple held the power. Even when contracts spanned a year at most, there were no penalties if they chose not to fulfill their end of the bargain. The agreements were signed on the basis of trust." Samsung and SK hynix have not disclosed which companies they have signed long-term supply agreements with, but Samsung has already secured several, according to its latest earnings calls. Since January, multiple reports have noted that sales executives from Big Techs such as Apple, Amazon, Google and Dell have been stationed at business hotels in Gyeonggi, where Samsung's and SK hynix's chip facilities and headquarters are located. Apple's position is further complicated by the fact that even high-performance consumer DRAM, such as low-power double data rate (LPDDR) chips, is increasingly being channeled to AI servers, leaving device makers competing for a far smaller slice of the supply. "LPDDR products with the highest reliability and the highest capacity are no longer being developed with personal devices in mind," said a source in the semiconductor industry, requesting anonymity. "All three major DRAM manufacturers — whether it's Samsung, SK hynix or Micron — are producing these components in Socamm form factors to be integrated with CPUs in AI servers." Socamm modules consist of repackaged LPDDR chips originally designed for smartphones, allowing CPUs to access low-power memory within AI servers. Kim Dong-won, an analyst at KB Securities, also attributed the memory crunch to U.S. hyperscalers absorbing DRAM supply for their data centers. Second-quarter DRAM and NAND prices are anticipated to exceed earlier projections, with an on-year price increase of 194 percent for DRAM and 244 percent for NAND in 2026, according to KB Securities. "Current second-quarter price appreciation is being driven primarily by server DRAM and enterprise SSDs [solid-state drives], with AI data center operators absorbing 70 percent of total memory shipments," Kim said. This leaves device manufacturers like Apple with little choice but to procure chips at a costly price. Reports indicate that the U.S. company is now securing large volumes without negotiating separate price discounts, a move widely interpreted as an effort to assert greater control over its component procurement pipeline and s...

Won Ok-kum The author is a representative of the Migrant Center Donghaeng and is originally from Vietnam. As warm spring sunlight fills the streets, colorful campaign banners have begun appearing across neighborhoods ahead of the June 3 local elections. For some, they may be little more than part of the seasonal scenery. But for migrants such as myself who have made Korea our second home, the slogans on those banners carry a different meaning. When candidates promise to "change residents' lives," I cannot help but wonder whether migrants are included in that vision as well. Local elections carry a different significance from presidential or parliamentary races. They concern matters closely tied to everyday life: meals served at our children's daycare centers, the streetlights along the roads that we walk each evening and the small interactions shared with neighbors. Korea's local elections are especially meaningful because certain categories of foreign residents are granted voting rights, offering migrants a chance to speak as genuine members of the community. However, many migrants are still unfamiliar with the act of going to the polls and do not fully believe politics can shape their lives. Six years ago, I experienced this reality firsthand. I was recruited by a political party under the label of the "first migrant woman" and entered a proportional representation primary ahead of the general election. At the time, I believed I could help bring migrants' struggles into public view. But the barriers proved far higher and more rigid than I had expected. As a migrant woman with little political experience and no established support base, I felt as if competing under the same standards as veteran politicians was less of an opportunity than a predetermined elimination process. After the party's welcoming ceremony ended, I felt abandoned in a harsh field. Passion without preparation left deep scars, and I lacked the tools needed to transform migrants' expectations into political reality. That defeat was not simply a personal disappointment; it exposed the broader limitations facing migrant participation in Korean politics. Every election season, political parties speak of diversity and seek migrant representatives. But such invitations should not remain symbolic gestures aimed at improving a party's public image. Migrants are members of society who pay taxes, fulfill obligations and possess the right not only to vote but also to seek office. The time has come for migrants to move beyond waiting for a seat at someone else's table and begin preparing our own. I believe migrant women, in particular, need to build stronger collective networks. That may sound ambitious, but it begins with something simple: gathering our modest demands and supporting one another. When migrants organize and speak collectively, political parties are more likely to treat us as serious partners rather than temporary symbols of inclusion. If one of us chooses to run for office, a strong community must stand behind that person so they are not left to face political storms alone. Still, migrants' efforts alone are not enough. Migrant women entering politics in an unfamiliar country need strategic support from political parties. This is not a matter of charity or tokenism. Parties should establish incubation programs to help migrant political newcomers understand Korea's political system and gain practical experience. They should also consider separate pathways within proportional representation systems that reflect the unique circumstances facing migrant candidates. The maturity of a multicultural society can be measured by whether socially vulnerable groups can speak confidently in public life. Local councils exist to address the concerns of neighborhoods. If migrants live in those communities, it is only natural that migrants themselves should participate in the discussions shaping local policy. Helping neighbors who miss welfare benefits because of l...

Lee Hyun-sang The author is a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo. Korea's semiconductor boom arrived almost overnight. As recently as 2023, Samsung Electronics' Device Solutions division and SK hynix posted operating losses of nearly 15 trillion won ($10 billion) and 8 trillion won, respectively. But the explosive rise of generative AI in the second half of that year rapidly reversed the industry's fortunes. Investments in AI data centers fueled the soaring demand for high bandwidth memory chips, or HBM, turning Korea's memory chipmakers into some of the biggest beneficiaries of the global AI race. Korean semiconductor firms were able to seize the opportunity because they possessed strong technical capabilities. However, it would be difficult to argue that this extraordinary boom resulted solely from their own skill. Luck also played a major role. The enormous bonus demands now emerging from semiconductor workers reflect a growing tendency to mistake favorable circumstances for personal achievement alone. Samsung Electronics' labor union has reportedly demanded that 15 percent of the company's operating profit be institutionalized as employee bonuses. Some estimates suggest memory chip employees could receive a cumulative 2.6 billion won per person over the next three years if the proposal were adopted. Both the scale and distribution of such compensation appear detached from economic reality. Large corporate unions in Korea have long faced criticism for enjoying privileged status, but these demands go beyond that. If realized, they could deepen social tensions and intensify feelings of relative deprivation throughout society. Resistance would likely come not only from shareholders but also from workers in other divisions, as well as subcontractors and nonregular employees. Taiwanese media have already warned that prolonged semiconductor strikes in Korea could damage long-term investment plans and reduce tax revenue — observations that inevitably carry strategic implications from a competing semiconductor economy. In many ways, the current conflict was foreseeable. Last year, SK hynix formally tied bonuses to 10 percent of its operating profit, raising expectations throughout the industry. Competition between Samsung Electronics and SK hynix to secure semiconductor talent encouraged aggressive compensation policies with little consideration for the long-term consequences. What began as a desperate effort to retain engineers amid chronic labor shortages has now become a major risk factor for the industry itself. The government also bears responsibility for failing to cultivate a sufficient pipeline of advanced technical talent. The sense of intoxication is not limited to the semiconductor industry. Policymakers who were once associated with fiscal restraint are also shifting their tone. Kim Yong-beom, the presidential chief policy secretary and a former vice finance minister known for emphasizing sound public finances, recently argued that excess tax revenue generated by AI-driven productivity gains should be redistributed to the public. If today's semiconductor boom and resulting tax revenue surge are truly structural rather than temporary, that would indeed be welcome news. But the evidence remains thin. From the Great Depression of 1929 to the dot-com bubble in 2000 and the global financial crisis in 2008, many economic collapses began with the belief that "this time is different." The presidential office later clarified that Kim's remarks reflected a personal opinion about how excess tax revenue might be used rather than a proposal to redistribute "excess profits." But that explanation misses the broader issue. The government has already drafted a record-high budget this year while planning to issue 110 trillion won in deficit bonds. Deciding how to use unexpected tax revenue is ultimately a policy choice. But economic experts who once emphasized fiscal discipline should approach such windfalls differently from politician...

Anxiety is growing in Seoul's apartment market after the government reinstated heavier capital gains taxes on owners of multiple homes. Prices for apartment sales, jeonse (lump-sum) deposits and monthly rent are rising simultaneously, creating what many describe as a "triple surge" in the housing market. The sales market has tightened first, as listings declined sharply. According to the Korea Real Estate Board, Seoul apartment prices rose 0.28 percent in the second week of May, accelerating from 0.15 percent the previous week. Apartment prices in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, turned upward for the first time in 12 weeks, and gains also widened in parts of northern Seoul. The rental market appears even more unstable. In April, apartment sale prices in Seoul rose 0.55 percent, jeonse prices climbed 0.82 percent and monthly rents increased 0.74 percent. A shortage of newly completed apartment complexes, which traditionally provide most of the jeonse supply, has intensified pressure on tenants. The continued shift from jeonse contracts toward monthly rentals is also contributing to market instability. Last week, the government convened a ministerial meeting on real estate policy, during which it emphasized "a rapid supply expansion," including plans to accelerate public housing construction at the Taereung Country Club site. But such measures have done little to calm market anxiety. Most importantly, the Jan. 29 housing supply plan, which promised 60,000 housing units in major Seoul metropolitan areas, remains stalled because of delays in negotiations with local governments. Projects — including the Yongsan International Business District and the relocation of the Gwacheon horse racing track — have made little progress. There appears to be a growing sense among officials that major decisions can wait until after the June 3 local elections. If that continues, supply expansion will come far too late. The government also announced measures aimed at increasing apartment listings. Authorities said buyers of single-home properties in designated land transaction permit zones will be exempt from immediate occupancy requirements until current tenants' leases expire. Whether the measure will meaningfully increase supply remains uncertain. Demand-side risks also persist. Korea's M2 money supply has risen for five consecutive months, reinforcing perceptions that liquidity remains abundant. There is also concern that profits realized in the booming stock market could flow back into the apartment market in large volumes. Warning signs are emerging from both the supply and demand sides of the housing market. Policymakers must avoid sacrificing necessary policy responses in pursuit of votes ahead of the local elections. Campaign pledges that could further destabilize the housing market should be restrained as well. One example is the Democratic Party Seoul mayoral candidate's proposal to issue 2.5 trillion won ($1.7 billion) worth of local gift certificates. While one side of the government struggles to stabilize the housing market, another risks adding fuel to the fire. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.