Necropolitics Covered

Barac, M. (2007) ‘Transit Spaces: Thinking Urban Change in South Africa’, Home Cultures, 4(2), pp. 147–176. doi: 10.2752/174063107X209000. Abstract: This work looks at aspects of urban development in post-apartheid South Africa. It concerns the tension between the symbolic town, represented by the “Rainbow Nation,” and the practical town: a topography conceived as a plan of action. Located in Khayelitsha township at Cape Town's metropolitan periphery, Victoria Mxenge's shack settlement provides an informal silhouette against which the journey from apartheid to the “Rainbow Nation” is staged. Understanding change on this scale and of this nature entails deciphering the city's transformational urban order. This task demands that we situate individual endeavors within a common world. As a reciprocity anchored to place, such a dialogue is most explicitly played out between the home and the town, between self and city. Domestic visual culture often appears to be at odds with official policies and professional practices that administer urban transformation. This research draws on field studies that have tracked changes to the environment at the scale of a neighborhood block, and in particular the concern for public space at the recently completed Bangiso Tandazo Link project. Conceived as a sign of change and a vehicle for its delivery, this “transit space” frames the larger question of the urban future: the prospect of a topography connecting township to town. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Pezzullo, P. C. (2024) ‘On Environmental Communication as a Care Discipline’, Environmental Communication, 18(1–2), pp. 1–7. doi: 10.1080/17524032.2023.2300361. Abstract: This is a Special Issue opening essay. The theme of the Special Issue is Care, edited by the author in the inaugural issue of her three-year editorship of the journal. The author furthers her argument for redefining the field of environmental communication as not just a crisis discipline, but also a care discipline. She addresses limitations and possibilities of care as an ethic and discourse today. In conclusion, she turns attention to the aspirations of her editorship, this issue, and invites more research that reflects on the ethical considerations of the field. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Ahluwalia, P. (2004) ‘Empire or Imperialism: Implications for a “New” politics of resistance’, Social Identities, 10(5), pp. 629–645. doi: 10.1080/1350463042000294278. Abstract: Globalisation raises questions about the capacity of the nation-state to function within the national interest. Hardt and Negri argue that nation-state sovereignty is in decline and that Empire -- a new supranational and deterritorialising form of sovereignty -- has superseded it. The question then arises, where does sovereignty reside if it is no longer existent within the nation-state. It is here that post-colonial theory may well provide insights as post-colonial subjects have had to confront these issues. The following questions are explored through a critical engagement with recent social theory. What is the relationship between the biological and political body within such a context? Furthermore, what are the implications of this for a politics of resistance? This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: This article examines the challenges and opportunities of teaching an online university seminar on Death Rituals in the midst of several domestic and global crises, including: the COVID-19 pandemic; the massive uprising for Black Lives and against police homicides of unarmed Black individuals; and the climate crisis. In light of these ongoing emergencies, as well as increased cultural attention to their structural intersections, this article makes the case for radical inter and trans disciplinarity when teaching about death and dying. Specifically, the article calls for incorporating death positive and anti-racist pedagogies, while also making space for grief and ritual on both experiential and theoretical levels. The article first provides an overview of the dominant disciplinary frameworks for teaching about death and dying, followed by a description of the author’s personal stakes as well as the political context of the course. Next is a summary of the author’s guiding pedagogical, theoretical, and philosophical frameworks, with examples of how they were operationalized in the course’s design and delivery. The article concludes with a reflexive assessment of this class and provides suggestions for future teaching in death and dying.Citation: Lerum, K. A. (2021) ‘Teaching death ritual during states of emergency: Centering death positivity, anti-racism, grief, & ritual’, Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy, 20(1), pp. 40–62. doi: 10.1080/15505170.2021.1964114. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Monahan, T. (2015) ‘The Right to Hide? Anti-Surveillance Camouflage and the Aestheticization of Resistance’, Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 12(2), pp. 159–178. doi: 10.1080/14791420.2015.1006646. Abstract: There has been a recent surge in artistic designs to conceal oneself from ambient surveillance in public places. These center on the masking of identity to undermine technological efforts to fix someone as a unique entity apart from the crowd. Ranging from fractal face paint and hairstyles, to realistic resin masks, to reflective underwear, anti-surveillance camouflage ostensibly allows people to hide in plain sight. These designs, however, enact an aestheticization of resistance premised on individual avoidance rather than meaningful challenge to the violent and discriminatory logics of surveillance societies. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Isaac, R. K. and Hall, M. C. (2025) ‘Resistance to settler colonialism in Palestine through tourism: the case of Kairos ‘Come and See’, Palestine’, Settler Colonial Studies, 15(4), pp. 706–725. doi: 10.1080/2201473X.2025.2485532. Abstract: Settler colonialism has been theorised as a form of oppression and domination distinct from other colonisation and imperialism processes. This paper aims to deconstruct settler colonialism domination by illuminating both the power of oppression and the power of resistance in Palestine and in the establishment by Israel of settler colonial tourismscapes. Building on Foucault’s examination of power and resistance, settler colonialism is theorised as a disciplinary, bio-power, and sovereign power, and the paper explores how different stakeholders resist the dominant settler discourse in a tourism context. Theoretically, this study contributes to understanding settler colonialism and tourism through the lens of power and resistance. The outcomes of the study find that Israel has contributed to the reorganisation of Palestine as a Jewish homeland and suppress stories of colonial brutality and oppression while selling imaginary geographies that normalise the presence of Jewish settlers in Palestine. Findings also shed some light on how Palestinian tourism initiatives, such as the Kairos Palestine in Bethlehem, produce spaces of constructed Palestinian visibility through tourism. This initiative highlights how alternative tours through the ‘Come and See’ experience might contribute to the re-articulation and reordering of venues, thereby forming a counter-discourse and resistance. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Bartley, S. (2017) ‘Hard labour and punitive welfare: the unemployed body at work in participatory performance’, Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance, 22(1), pp. 62–75. doi: 10.1080/13569783.2016.1263559. Abstract: This article addresses the performance of labour in participatory arts projects and considers the implications of such activity on perceptions of the unemployed in the UK. Utilising a combination of biopolitical and necropolitical understandings of governance and drawing on two examples of theatre practice, Tangled Feet’s One Million (2013) and Helix Arts' MindFULL (2013), I propose that participatory performance deploys bodily strategies to disrupt the construction of the unemployed in political rhetoric. As such, in a context of austerity, I argue this arts practice can function to support the agency of participants in challenging policy and seeking to re-establish the status of subjecthood to their precarious bodies. Additionally, I posit that specificities of the unemployed as a participant group illuminate broader complexities around value exchange within participatory arts practice. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Rodríguez, L. C. (2020) ‘Inappropriate/d bodies: Reorganizing the terms of life and death’, Death Studies, 44(11), pp. 727–735. doi: 10.1080/07481187.2020.1771854. Abstract: This introduction to the Queer Death Studies special issue explores an emerging transdisciplinary field of research. This field critically, (self-)reflexively and affirmatively investigates and challenges conventional normativities, assumptions, expectations, and regimes of truths that are brought to life and made evident by current planetary scale necropolitics and its framing of death, dying and mourning in the contemporary world. It is set against the background of traditional engagements with the question of death, often grounded in Western hegemonic and normative ideas of dying, dead and mourning subjects and bodies, on the one hand; and on the other contemporary discourses on human and nonhuman death and extinction, directly linked to the environmental crisis, capitalist and post/colonial extractivist necropolitics, material and symbolic violence, oppression and inequalities, and socio-economic, political and ecological unsustainabilities. By bringing together conceptual and analytical tools grounded in feminist materialisms and feminist theorising broadly speaking, queer theory and decolonial critique, the contributions in this special issue strive to advance queerfeminist methodologies and ontological, ethical and political understandings that critically and creatively attend to the problem of death, dying and mourning in the current environmental, cultural, and socio-political contexts. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Willcock, S. (2019) ‘Guilt in the Archive: Photography and the Amritsar Massacre of 1919’, History of Photography, 43(1), pp. 47–59. doi: 10.1080/03087298.2019.1613791. Abstract: What role should photographic evidence play in current debates about whether or not Britain should apologise for the historic crimes of empire? This article examines the photographs that emerged from the Amritsar Massacre of 13 April 1919, considering what such documents can tell us about the relationship between atrocity and the imperial project. Colonials working in both official and unofficial capacities turned to photography in their attempt to justify this bloody twentieth-century episode. Such photography addressed colonial debates concerning the scope of moral and legal, individual and collective, and British and Indian culpability for the Massacre. It is therefore important that we attend to such visual evidence at the Massacre’s centenary, as the United Kingdom is urged to apologise for the infamous slaughter of Indian men, women, and children. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Mavengano, E. (2026) ‘‘And now we are sisters’: fracture, trauma and the limits of female solidarity in On Black Sisters’ Street’, African Identities, pp. 1–13. doi: 10.1080/14725843.2026.2650399. Abstract: In Chika Unigwe’s On Black Sisters’ Street, African women confront the harsh realities of transnational sex work, forming fleeting connections in a world that continues to deny their presence. This study examines the novel’s nuanced inscriptions of trauma, fractured intimacies and the precarious solidarity that forms even amid systems of exploitation. I draw primarily on Cathy Caruth’s trauma theory while engaging Judith Butler’s notions of precarity and (un)grievable lives alongside African feminist epistemologies to analyse the intersecting structures of racial abjection, sexism, neoliberal class exploitation and restrictive migration regimes that shape the protagonists’ lives within transnational sites of disposability and erasure. I argue that the author strategically employs the narrative of abjection to present an intricate ethical terrain in which ambivalent, sometimes troubled, female bonds are formed within the claustrophobic, surveilled confines of transnational spaces. Although these alliances are profoundly fractured, they signify an essential yet fragile possibility of sisterhood created within zones of neglect, violence and anguish. Unigwe employs a non-linear plot, deferred memory and an affective lexicon of suffering to engender a radical narrative politics attentive to brokenness. I interpret the motifs of self-naming, migration and self-mourning as forms of feminist resistance to oppressive structures. This study therefore demonstrates that the novel depicts female bonding as a hard-won resource that enables survival and concurrently asserts an insurgent, transformative politics of becoming. From trauma’s fractures, the pulse of sisterhood flickers into view in Unigwe’s work. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Jones, M. (2013) ‘Conspicuous Destruction, Aspiration and Motion in the South African Township’, Safundi, 14(2), pp. 209–224. doi: 10.1080/17533171.2013.776749. Abstract: The paper limns modes of consumption and wastefulness in recent South African fiction about the township. It draws upon moves of aspiration and carelessness articulated in the youth practice I’khothane to think through the ways in which conspicuous destruction around car-use maps onto township socialities. Accordingly, it compares Sifiso Mzobe’s Young Blood and David Dinwoodie-Irving’s African Cookboy as texts utilizing scenes of consumption and destruction with a variety of effects. While commodity ownership and disposal enunciate identities that can unsettle the status quo, the article argues that aspiration alone cannot provide resources with which to shift structural inequalities persisting in South African cities. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Orum Hernández, G. and Barcelos, C. (2023) ‘Queer punishments: School safety and youth of color in the United States’, Equity & Excellence in Education, 56(1–2), pp. 87–99. doi: 10.1080/10665684.2022.2159897. Abstract: Although educational research and policymaking in the United States has generally framed LGBTQ youth and youth of color as mutually exclusive groups, LGBTQ youth of color are increasingly included in discourses surrounding school safety. These discourses tend to position youth as vulnerable, at-risk subjects who are passive victims of interpersonal homophobia. Using the theoretical frameworks queer of color critique and queer necropolitics, and a situational analysis mapping strategy, we analyzed GLSEN’s 2019 National School Climate Survey report, breakout reports on LGBTQ youth of color, and related advocacy efforts. These frameworks helped us consider how school climate research and policymaking relies on carceral logics that center and uphold whiteness. The GLSEN reports function as a form of embedded science that mobilizes individual understandings of violence and queer investments in punishment. We offer queer of color critique as a strategy for researchers and policymakers to get unstuck on school safety. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Dingli, S. and Purewal, N. (2018) ‘Gendering (in)security: interrogating security logics within states of exception’, Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal, 3(2), pp. 153–163. doi: 10.1080/23802014.2018.1510295. Abstract: This collection contributes to debates, which seek to move feminist scholarship away from the reification of the war/peace and security/economy divides. However, rather than focusing on the terms of the debate, it foregrounds the empirical reality of the breakdown of these traditional divisions, paying particular attention to the ‘state of exception’ and similar frameworks. In doing so, contributors to this collection trouble the ubiquitous concept and practices of ‘(in)security’ and their effects on differentially positioned subjects. By gendering (in)securities in ‘states of exception’ and other paradigms of government related to it, especially in postcolonial and neo-colonial contexts, it provides an approach, which allows us to study the complex and interrelated security logics, which constitute the messy realities of different – and particularly vulnerable – subjects’ lives. In other words, it suggests that these frameworks are ripe for feminist interventions and analyses of the logics and production of (in)securities as well as of resistance and hybridisation. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Kasim, M. (2025) ‘Demographic engineering and identity erasure: China’s securitization of the Uyghur population’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, pp. 1–21. doi: 10.1080/01419870.2025.2580516. Abstract: This article analyses China’s governance of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region as a case of demographic engineering, understood as a set of state-directed measures that reshape the reproductive, cultural, and spatial continuity of a population. Drawing on theories of biopolitics (Foucault), necropolitics (Mbembe), and securitization, the paper interprets a coordinated strategy of birth suppression, child separation, linguistic assimilation, and demographic restructuring. Using a qualitative case study design, it triangulates official statistics, state discourse, and international reports to map how these practices operate. The analysis demonstrates that the dismantling of Uyghur group continuity aligns with patterns identified in genocide scholarship, with some measures corresponding to acts listed in the 1948 UN Genocide Convention. The article contributes conceptually by showing how modern authoritarian regimes employ technocratic and demographic instruments to preempt resistance and transform social identity, expanding theoretical debates on repression, population management, and slow forms of group destruction. 0 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Lewicki, A. (2017) ‘‘The dead are coming’: acts of citizenship at Europe’s borders’, Citizenship Studies, 21(3), pp. 275–290. doi: 10.1080/13621025.2016.1252717. Abstract: This article combines the research agenda of the acts of citizenship literature with reflections on emancipatory theatre. I examine the Centre for Political Beauty’s activity-based artwork ‘The dead are coming’ which problematizes the cruelties of the European border regime in symbolically charged spaces in the German public. Focusing particularly on the roles available to ‘actors’ and ‘spectators’, and the directionality of the message conveyed through the artwork, I examine how the performance subverts the ‘sites’ and ‘scales’ of citizenship. My analysis indicates that the artwork’s subversive potential emerges not only from the political vision conveyed by the artist collective, but also from the way in which others become involved in the performance. Acts of political beauty thus most extensively challenge instituted citizenship’s orientalist anchoring, reverse status-based role allocations and subvert the structural violence of borders when the performance enables the enactment of novel forms of political agency and solidarity. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Ghazal Aswad, N. (2024) ‘Unsafe Homecoming: Unraveling Environmental Injustice and Land Dispossession in the Syrian Refugee Crisis’, Environmental Communication, 18(1–2), pp. 35–42. doi: 10.1080/17524032.2023.2296831. Abstract: This paper attends to the Syrian refugee crisis to argue that land dispossession is not only a political and humanitarian phenomenon, but one that cuts to the core of how we inhabit, experience, and belong on the land. Amid the forced repatriation of Syrian refugees to their country, activists used the hashtag #SyriaNotSafe to raise awareness about the detentions, disappearances, and torture of returnees. Beyond the immediate political persecution of refugees, this paper argues for crafting networked cultures of care attentive to the toxic environmental legacies of the Syrian conflict. Cultures of care must be sensitive to the affective relationships of interdependence between Syrians and their local ecosystems forged during the lifetime of revolutionary struggle. By shedding light on the toxicity of war, the weaponization of the environment, and the deliberate land dispossession by the Assad regime, the ability of Syrians to constitute acts of resistance in sympoiesis or “making with” the land is impacted. If we are to unite in acts of care for refugees, we must resist the inclination to imagine the necropolitical cultures in which we live as somehow distinct from the imperative for environmental justice and the ability to survive and thrive with the land. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Marchal, J. A. (2014) ‘Bio-necro-biblio-politics? Restaging feminist intersections and queer exceptions’, Culture and Religion, 15(2), pp. 166–176. doi: 10.1080/14755610.2014.911036. Abstract: This response to Jasbir Puar’s Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (2007. Durham, NC: Duke University Press) proposes that, although it might seem a bit far afield for scholars within biblical studies, a range of conceptual interventions from this work could make striking contributions to this sub-discipline. Through further interaction with both exceptionalisms and intersectionalities, this response demonstrates the way that feminist, postcolonial and queer interrogations of biblical argumentation can also intervene, extend or reorient practices within cultural studies. The recurrence of exceptionalism reframes religious groups’ claims to openness, while concerns over the deployment of intersectionality enable critical reflections on interdisciplinary projects such as religious studies and biblical studies as disciplines. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Scheer, S. et al. (2026) ‘Living in Stand-by Mode While Constructing Lived Citizenship’, Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, pp. 1–17. doi: 10.1080/15562948.2026.2665108.Abstract: Refugee women can encounter a range of challenges in their new countries, including limited access to health services, education, and employment opportunities, factors that significantly shape and limit everyday lives and opportunities for social participation. This study aims to understand health and social participation in everyday life through dialogue with refugee women and the local organizations addressing applying an intersectional lens. Grounded in an intersectional framework, the study utilized a modified story dialogical method for the workshops. The findings are organized into three key themes: a) Importance of trust and solidarity in the women’s everyday, b) Experiencing othering – the pain of not being welcomed and c) “Stand-by mode”. The findings underscore how multiple intersectional dimensions, including legal status, socioeconomic position, ethnicity, and migration trajectories, interplay to determine whether participation in and access to health, work, and education are possible or not. Solidarity practices, emerge as strategies for navigating and resisting structural and systemic barriers. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Bhungalia, L. (2012) ‘Im/Mobilities in a ‘Hostile Territory’: Managing the Red Line’, Geopolitics, 17(2), pp. 256–275. doi: 10.1080/14650045.2011.554462.Abstract: This article examines the biopolitical dimensions of conflict manifest in Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip. Exploring a managed relation between life and death largely unaddressed in Foucault’s conception of biopower, it contends that Israel’s “disengagement” can be seen as a more sophisticated, flexible form of engagement that does not disinvest in or abandon life, but actively regulates it. Close analysis of emerging tactics of population control in Gaza illustrate that neither a “pure” politics of life or death emerges; rather, a more complex management of the two is achieved through the modulation of crucial life-sustaining and life-eliminating flows into and out of the territory. This paper links biopolitical practices of mobility regulation to the ways in which life is enabled, constrained and denied for those in a territory designated as “hostile.” Thus, it directly connects the biopolitical dimensions of conflict to territory and the geopolitical violences of territoriality. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Jones, E. (2018) ‘A Posthuman-Xenofeminist Analysis of the Discourse on Autonomous Weapons Systems and Other Killing Machines’, Australian Feminist Law Journal, 44(1), pp. 93–118. doi: 10.1080/13200968.2018.1465333.Abstract: In this article, I critique the current debates surrounding autonomous weapons systems, using feminist posthuman theory to make sense of such systems – and the relation between human and machine – in terms of automation and autonomy. The dominant narratives about autonomous weapons tend to present them as exceptional; they are distinct from all the other kinds of human inventions that can kill. Further attention is required, not on autonomous weapons themselves but on the delegation of killing to a far broader range of technologies across the human–machine/autonomous–automated spectrum. While current attempts at legal regulation distinguish between civil and military technologies, such a distinction becomes impossible in light of the links between civil and military technologies and the killing potential of many technologies, including artificial intelligence. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Bhattacharya, B. (2009) ‘Public penology: postcolonial biopolitics and a death in Alipur Central Jail, Calcutta’, Postcolonial Studies, 12(1), pp. 7–28. doi: 10.1080/13688790802616225. Abstract: This article reads the unusual public nature of a recent event of capital punishment in India to think about the modes of postcolonial biopolitics in this age of globalization. It engages with influential theoretical work by authors such as Foucault, Agamben and Mbembe to articulate its own position and to suggest new theoretical paradigms. It argues that contemporary modes of postcolonial biopolitics need to be seen as emerging from and somewhat repeating the contiguous but affiliated histories of colonial penal reform and legislation. The governing paradigm for such colonial practices was provided by the multivalent phenomenon of racism, and this emphasis on race as a practical means of population management and ordering had profound impact on postcolonial penology. The crucial questions of ‘making live’ or ‘letting die’ in the postcolonial world, or the civil authority of the postcolonial state, and, most crucially, the exclusive claim of such states to legitimate violence, the article argues, need to be contextualized against such elaborate historical networks. Though the emphasis on race has been replaced in the postcolonial era with more pressing concerns of class/caste apartheid, the racist nature of the postcolonial state—a legacy of congruous but affiliated histories of colonialism—is prominently visible in provisions like the death penalty. The Indian state, on its way to defend the provision of the death penalty in this era of globalization, repeats a colonial moment in legal history and attempts to define both postcolonial biopolitics and sovereignty through the dark and slippery notions of race. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Håndlykken-Luz, Å. (2020) ‘“Racism is a perfect crime”: favela residents’ everyday experiences of police pacification, urban militarization, and prejudice in Rio de Janeiro’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 43(16), pp. 348–367. doi: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1800774. Abstract: This article examines residents’ everyday experiences and perceptions of changing urban politics and racism in a “pacified” favela, or poor informal neighbourhood, in Rio de Janeiro, drawing on longitudinal ethnographic data from 2011 to 2018. The findings suggest that despite a discourse on inclusion, human rights, and citizenship, the police pacification program and urban security interventions aimed at “civilizing” the favela’s residents as “undesirable others,” drawing on racialization. The naturalization, legitimization, and reproduction of police violence promote the operation of racial and socio-spatial inequalities and privileges through what I describe as pigmentocratic everyday practices. These processes continually shape the condition of possibilities for the dehumanization of blackness, exclusion, inclusion, and resistance in a society influenced by the myth of racial democracy and that celebrates both diversity and ideologies of whitening. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Lee, C. J. (2008) ‘‘Causes’ versus ‘Conditions’: Imperial Sovereignty, Postcolonial Violence and the recent Re-Emergence of Arendtian Political Thought in African Studies’, South African Historical Journal, 60(1), pp. 124–146. doi: 10.1080/02582470802287752. Abstract: Since the Rwandan genocide of 1994, an increase in scholarship on genocide and mass violence has developed over the past ten years, an interdisciplinary effort that has initiated a search for both a ‘usable past’ and at times a useful ‘theoretical past’. Against this backdrop, this article is concerned with the provisional re-emergence of Hannah Arendt’s thought in African studies. It aims to explore the main facets of this under-recognised legacy to claim a contemporary place for her within the history of political thought on Africa and imperialism more generally. Divided into two parts, this essay first provides a summary of Arendt’s engagement with imperial conditions in Africa, as found in her first major work The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). Her influence is then traced in recent studies on South Africa and Rwanda, though not without critique. The insights and limitations of her interpretations rest on a distinction between ‘causes’ versus ‘conditions’, with her emphasis on the latter circumscribing the effectiveness of her analysis. Distinguishing such points of view is a key lesson to be drawn from her work, offering further means for understanding and assessing the contours of contemporary scholarship. This essay concludes that her ideas have prefigured current debates and deserve renewed recognition. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Neely, A. H. (2024) ‘Youth as Death’, Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 114(10), pp. 2281–2296. doi: 10.1080/24694452.2024.2374922. Abstract: Since the end of apartheid, life in South Africa has been marked by an epidemic of death among the youth—people between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five. First as a result of HIV/AIDS and political violence, and more recently as a result of “these diseases,” a broad group of illnesses that affect the youth, homicide and suicide, this epidemic is in part a consequence of ongoing processes of settler colonialism and racial capitalism in South Africa. This epidemic of death can also be understood as an example of necropolitics—the failure of the postapartheid state. At the same time, as the stories in this article reveal, no one or two analytical approach(es) can fully make sense of what it means to live in a place where the youth are dying at such a high rate. Drawing inspiration from work in Black studies, and Black feminisms more specifically, and driven by the stories of those living through loss in South Africa, this article sketches what it means to live in a place where youth is defined by death. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Fregoso, R. L. (2006) ‘‘We Want Them Alive!’: The Politics and Culture of Human Rights’, Social Identities, 12(2), pp. 109–138. doi: 10.1080/13504630600583296. Abstract: In this essay I argue that a new order of power is emerging on the US-Mexico borderlands. This order of power is necropolitical. I then analyse feminicides on the borderlands in relation to this emerging order of power. Drawing upon theories of sovereignty, I argue that the consolidation of a necropolitical order in the region is a result of the convergence and intersection of multiple forces and processes, including militarization, denationalization, neoliberalism and ingovernability. Secondly, I examine the countervailing forces to this emerging order of power, especially the turn to a politics of human rights by grassroots and transnational collectivities. Finally, my essay probes the role of culture in shaping new understandings of human rights and re-imagining new democratic possibilities and subjectivities. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Salehipour, Farhad, Seyed Hossein Serajzadeh, and Kamal Khaleghpanah. 2026. “Fundamentalism in Iranian Kurdistan and Its Others: A Critical Discourse Analysis.” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, February, 1–21. doi:10.1080/13530194.2026.2632201. Abstract: Although Islamist movements in the Middle East share certain similarities, their diversity and divergences are closely tied to their specific social, historical, and political contexts. This qualitative study, focusing on Iranian Kurdistan and employing critical discourse analysis, examines the construction of ‘others’ within fundamentalist discourse. To this end, 20 speeches delivered by representatives of fundamentalism in Kurdistan were analysed to uncover the mechanisms of othering and its effects on the social and political sphere. The findings indicate that fundamentalism constructs two categories of others: intra-religious others and extra-religious (secular) others. It may be argued that the process of othering in this discourse not only fails to secure the social and political interests of the Kurds but also fragments Kurdish society by excluding its discursive plurality. Through its particular interpretation of religion, this discourse seeks to reshape Kurdish society under signifiers such as the ummah, the caliphate, and transnational thought. Such an approach transforms fundamentalist discourse into a tool for legitimizing regional hegemonic powers—including dominant nationalisms and mainstream Islamisms—while simultaneously articulating discursive antagonism in Kurdistan in ways that further subalternize the Kurdish lifeworld and reproduce domination across multiple dimensions. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Goldberg, D. T. (2010) ‘Call and response’, Patterns of Prejudice, 44(1), pp. 89–106. doi: 10.1080/00313220903507651. Abstract: Goldberg’s essay is an extended response to five reviews of his recent book The Threat of Race contributed by Nadia Abu El-Haj, Susan Giroux, Kelly Gillespie, Nelson Maldonado-Torres and Peter Wade. Issues discussed range over the sadistic elements of racism’s characteristic violence, the ‘disappearance’ or ‘invisibility’ of race and the impact on racisms, the distinction and relation between naturalism and historicism in racial articulation, and the connection to biologism and culturalism, racial epistemologies, racial coloniality and racial neoliberalism. The central theme of the book, the notion of racial neoliberalism, is elaborated and exemplified by reference to the characterization of Obama by some since he was elected president of the United States. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Stevenson, O., Kenten, C. and Maddrell, A. (2016) ‘And now the end is near: enlivening and politizising the geographies of dying, death and mourning’, Social & Cultural Geography, 17(2), pp. 153–165. doi: 10.1080/14649365.2016.1152396.Abstract: A new body of scholarship on death and loss has emerged as a sub-field within social and cultural geography. This work has done much to draw geographers’ attention to questions of death, dying and remembrance and likewise to bring a spatial perspective to interdisciplinary death studies. Whilst deathscapes have been framed within geographical work as incorporating material, embodied and virtual spaces, to date Anglo-American and European studies have tended to focus on the literal and representational spaces of the end of life, sites of bodily remains and memorialization. With a number of important exceptions, embodied and dynamic experiences of dying, death and survival have been absent within the geographies of death. This special section aims to broaden the scope, and to resist simple dichotomies of life and death, and to be especially attentive to the embodied and visceral experiences, practices and processes of dying, death and survival. In this introduction, we explore themes of dying/s, death/s and survival/s across varied international, national and cultural contexts, as discussed in the contributing papers and raised by the politics of recent events. This collection offers an expanded and enlivened approach to research, documenting facing death/s, journeys at the end of life, living through, on and with life-limiting illnesses, living with loss and the interconnected spatialities that these experiences and practices evoke for individuals and wider social groups. They open up new spaces of P/politics and emotions, challenging limited political and medicalized frames. The papers also raise methodological questions and present a challenging agenda for future research. This special section grew out of sessions we organized for the 2012 RGS-IBG Annual International Conference at the University of Edinburgh. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Ncube, F. (2025). Doing research among exiled Rwandan army deserters: a reflexive narrative. Social Dynamics, 51(1), 97–116. https://doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2025.2593069This paper reflects on my experiences of doing research among ex-soldiers who deserted from the post-conflict Rwandan military, who believe that they are being “hunted” by their government, allegedly, for political reasons. It attends to practices of doing fieldwork among people whose normal lives are suspended by the perpetual need to navigate the daily threat of discovery by the long arm of the Rwandan state and the very real threat of violence and death in exile. I show how fear, as a profound ontological condition, can shape the process of research. I foreground the materiality of fear and propose that the interlocutors’ consciousness and sensitivity to the hazards that the field is infused with can influence the nature of ethnography. Through fear, politically sensitive research can produce moving ethnography, that is, a kind of ethnography in which the participants and researcher are in an enhanced state of sensory and nomadic comportment during fieldwork. Analysis of data draws mainly on insights from Vigh’s ideas on social navigation, Mbembe’s notion of necropolitics and Deleuzian ideas of the control society. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Grewal, I. (2003) ‘Transnational America: race, gender and citizenship after 9/11’, Social Identities, 9(4), pp. 535–561. doi: 10.1080/1350463032000174669.This paper examines the racialisation and gendering of a collective subject described as ‘Middle Eastern or Muslim’ in the US media in the aftermath of 9/11. It examines how this category came to be visible and prominent through the workings of disciplinary power and forms of governmentality through the binary of freedom and unfreedom, necropolitics and the politics of security and freedom. Multiculturalism in the US, as it was articulated in consumer culture through the national spectacle of the flag, emerged as an example of this new form of governmentality that is both regulative and productive of American nationalism and transnationalism. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Shams, F. (2020). Dialogues with the Dead: Necropoetics of Zahra’s Paradise. Iranian Studies, 53(5–6), 893–909. https://doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2019.1689809 What can the poetry chosen for epitaphs on graves tell us about the political and cultural development of post-revolutionary Iran and the politics of death and dying under the Islamic Republic? This article explores contemporary Persian epitaph poetry as a valuable medium for understanding the socio-political dynamics of Iranian society. By analyzing the epitaphs of the Iran–Iraq war martyrs, who are buried in Zahra’s Paradise public cemetery in Tehran (Behesht-e Zahra), a new nomenclature can be established for the religious, political and socio-cultural ideas underpinning death and the afterlife. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Neville-Shepard, M. (2023) ‘“Better never means better for everyone”: White feminist necropolitics and Hulu’s The Handmaid’s Tale’, Quarterly Journal of Speech, 109(1), pp. 2–25. doi: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2136738. This article builds on those who have critiqued Hulu's The Handmaid's Tale along racial lines and calls into question the esteemed status the show holds as a rhetorical resource for contemporary feminist activism. By drawing attention to the parasitical relationship that the archetype of the vulnerable (but resilient) white woman has to Black pain and death, I argue that the series further calcifies the dominance of white feminism, enacting what I term “white feminist necropolitics.” To illuminate this theory, the essay presents a close analysis of The Handmaid's Tale. Specifically, I demonstrate how the show deploys post-racial logics to center a white feminist heroine whose story of saviorism relies on the cooptation of Black pain and the exploitation of Black death. Ultimately, this critical reading of the series points to the ways in which white feminism and necropolitics are intricately entangled. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Gregory, D., 2005. Splintering Palestine. B/ordering Space, pp.123-37. Excerpt: Topographies of Terror. Ever since 11 September 2001, the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon has taken advantage of President George W. Bush's `war on terrorism' to ratchet up the colonial dispossession of the Palestinian people (Mansour, 2002; Gregory, 2003). It has done so by seeking to establish an identity between the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington and the increasingly militarized Palestinian resistance to the Israeli occupation of what remains.of Palestine: Gaza and the West Bank. As a result `terrorism' has been made polymorphous. Without defined shape or determinate roots, its mantle can be cast over any form of resistance to sovereign power. This has allowed the Sharon regime to advance its colonial project not through appeals to Zionism alone, to the Messianic mission of `redeeming' the biblical heartlands of Judea and Samaria, but also - crucially for its international constituency - as another front in a generalized `war on terrorism'. This has in turn sustained the neoconservative deception that political violence can somehow be ended without reference to the historico-geographical conditions that frame it. Former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's repeated, racist insistence that `the root cause of terrorism lies not in grievance but in a disposition toward unbridled violence' has been reaffirmed by both the Bush and Sharon administrations. It conveniently exempts their own actions from scrutiny and absolves them of anything other than a restless, roving military response (Netanyahu, 1986) This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Lopez Oggier, F. (2026). Itinerant deathworlds: Spanish border externalisation and the necroborder. Territory, Politics, Governance, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2025.2594500Abstract: In 2006 Spain spearheaded European border externalisation, re-spatialising its border into a peripatetic political institution to systematically intercept ‘irregular’ migrants. This paper conducts a necropolitical analysis of Spain’s border externalisation projects by reviewing migrant mortality/disappearance data and conducting a discourse analysis of first-hand migrant accounts with the dislocated bordering apparatus. I posit that Spain’s border externalisation efforts create ‘itinerant deathworlds’: a dislocated form of necropower that follows migrants while they are in transit. Post-mortem violence and psychic trauma cause itinerant deathworlds to linger long after migration journeys have ended, projecting them into indeterminate spatio-temporal scales. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Palombo, L., 2007. Whose turn is it? White diasporic and transnational practices and the necropolitics of the plantation and internment camps. Critical Race and Whiteness Studies, 3.Abstract: The bordering of the Plantation Camps of the 1860s and Internment Camps of World War One (WW1) through the racialised biopolitical and necropolitical relations of the state of exception have controlled local shifts from the position of non-white and white ‘objects of labour’ to ‘political subjects’ or citizens of the nation. The borders of the Camps are violent colonial techniques that re-affirm an anglophilic form of white diasporic and transnational power. This process of instituting borders of control “outside the law” has operated to strengthen white anglophilic sovereignty and its participation and embeddedness in a “global” colonial project. These camps became permanent “exceptional”1 spatial arrangements that diversified but also continued the effects of the dislocation of Indigenous Australians. These camps continued the violent mechanisms that attempted to control Indigenous people’s “life and death” and that in Mbembe’s words have “civilize[d]” them as providers of free labour (see Perera 2002: para 11; Mbembe 2003: 14 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Khoshneviss, H. (2024) ‘State of Exception, Necropolitics, and Puerto Rico: Naturalizing Disaster and Naturalizing Difference’, Capitalism Nature Socialism, 35(1), pp. 75–89. doi: 10.1080/10455752.2023.2279957. Abstract: Right after Hurricane Irma hit Puerto Rico and Florida, Hurricane Maria made landfall in Puerto Rico in September 2017. Around the same time Harvey hit Texas. The vast difference in the treatment of Puerto Rico as a US territory, compared to Florida and Texas on the “mainland,” sparked conversations about the location of Puerto Rico in the US imagination and policies. The media coverage of the disaster and the statements from officials made it clear that while certain populations are protected and saved, certain others are abandoned and “let die.” To provide an explanation for these different treatments, I explore two “naturalizing” processes. First, I show how the historical construction of Puerto Ricans as “naturally” inferior disguised their century-long exploitation. Second, I examine how the framing of Hurricane Maria as a “natural” disaster on the one hand concealed historical interventions by the United States in Puerto Rico and on the other hand, ignored how disaster capitalism has caused an increase in the intensity and frequency of disasters. I suggest that state of exception and abandonment are two concepts that can provide an explanation about how these converging processes have made disasters the norm in the colony, rather than an anomaly. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Citation: Osuri, G. (2009) ‘Necropolitical complicities: (re)constructing a normative somatechnics of Iraq’, Social Semiotics, 19(1), pp. 31–45. doi: 10.1080/10350330802632766. Abstract: This article theorizes the concept of necropolitical complicities in the construction and writing of ethno-sectarian identities in the context of the war in Iraq. Drawing on Mbembe's concept of necropolitics in relation to the (re)construction of a normative somatechnics, the article argues for an acknowledgment of operative colonial epistemologies and techniques of governance that have fuelled contemporary sectarian violence in Iraq. The interplay between these epistemologies and techniques of governance and the violent assertions of Iraqi ethno-religious identities are theorized as necropolitical complicities. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: The Holocaust left behind countless bodies – bodies dispersed across the execution sites, former Nazi camps, repurposed Jewish cemeteries; bodies hastily buried at the outskirts of the former shtetls and in the forest. This article traces the early postwar attempts by various actors to respond to the material (omni)presence of dead bodies. It engages with endeavors by Jewish survivors to exhume and rebury human remains of the victims of the Holocaust, but also with practices instantiating and perpetuating their dehumanization: the mutilation and robbery of the dead by the local non-Jewish populace and their neglect by the stateCitation: Dziuban, Z. (2025) ‘Discordant necropolitics: survivor-led exhumations and violence against the dead in the early post-Holocaust Poland’, Holocaust Studies, 31(3), pp. 421–443. doi: 10.1080/17504902.2024.2392317. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Morgensen, S. L. (2011) ‘The Biopolitics of Settler Colonialism: Right Here, Right Now’, Settler Colonial Studies, 1(1), pp. 52–76. doi: 10.1080/2201473X.2011.10648801.Abstract: Settler colonialism is exemplary of the processes of biopower theorised by Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault. However, settler colonialism remains naturalised within theories of biopower and theories of its relation to coloniality. White supremacist settler colonisation produces specific modes of biopolitics that sustain not only in settler states but also in regimes of global governance that inherit, extend, and naturalise their power. I extend Patrick Wolfe’s theory that a ‘logic of elimination’ constitutes settler colonialism in the genocide and amalgamation of Indigenous peoples, by indicating that this also indigenises and naturalises white settler nations as projections of the West. Agamben’s work illuminates how Indigenous peoples are eliminated in a state of exception to Western law, which by functioning to erase consanguinity – as the patriarch in Roman law eliminates the defiant son - explains Indigenous peoples’ seemingly contradictory incorporation within and excision from the body of white settler nations. This biopolitical process specific to settler colonialism also structures the manner in which white settler societies demonstrably universalize Western law, both within their bounds and in global arenas. My call to denaturalise settler colonialism in social theory is but a first step towards broader study of how the biopolitics of settler colonialism structure current modes of biopower and require concerted critique at the intersections of Indigenous and settler colonial studies. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

This is Necropolitics Covered. A mini audio series covering literature on necropolitics one abstract at a time. My name is Liv Roe. I'm a former elected member of the New Zealand local government, with a Master's in Political Science from Victoria University of Wellington, where my dissertation focused on necropolitics. While doing my post-grad research, I noticed that not a lot of people around me, even the politically savvy, haven’t even heard about it. I supposed it might have something to do with the fact that compared to many political theories that are centuries old, Achille Mbembe's concept of necropolitics was relatively young, only emerging in the early 2000’s.So, in this series I aim to address that gap in knowledge, particularly for people who are interested in learning about necropolitics. Together, we are going to cover the existing body of literature about or relating to the topic of necropolitics by reading through the abstracts, summaries, or excerpts of academic papers from different sectors and industries all over the world. Unfortunately, this is probably not going to be the kind of short-form content that is going to summarise and simplify everything for you. We are only going through the basics of these papers to hopefully encourage you to find their full pieces to read and get into for yourselves. We have become way too used to just consuming a few minutes of bite-sized information during our scroll and then repeating the same talking points to others without further in-depth reading and reflection. Citations for these sources are always provided. So listen through, get to reading, get to thinking, and get to taking some action. Necropolitics Covered episodes are available on Apple Podcasts. You can also find inks, PDF downloadables, and other bonus stuff on Substack: necropolitics.substack.com. And if you would like to get in touch, send me an email on [email protected]. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: This research examines the representation of queer characters in Nigerian films through the lenses of necropolitics and biopolitics. Although LGBTQ+ presence in Nollywood has increased, there is a lack of scholarly focus on their experiences of internal migration and the forces impacting their lives. This study analyzes Hell or High Water, We Don’t Live Here Anymore, and Walking in Shadow to explore themes of exclusion, escape, and erasure amidst societal norms and necropolitical pressures. Using Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics alongside Michel Foucault’s biopower, the research investigates how these narratives navigate social stigma, state violence, and internalized discrimination, revealing broader patterns of marginalization. This work emphasizes the need for inclusive and nuanced portrayals of LGBTQ+ experiences in Nigerian media.Citation: Okadigwe, M. N. (2025). Between exclusion and escape: necropolitics, biopolitics, and queer narratives in Nollywood films. African Identities, 23(4), 1047–1065. https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2025.2501794 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Morton, S. (2014). Sovereignty and necropolitics at the Line of Control. Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 50(1), 19–30. https://doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2013.850213Abstract: This paper considers how the sovereignty of the Indian government over Kashmir is asserted and contested around the Line of Control, and the military checkpoints that visualize such forms of sovereignty. Beginning with a discussion of the ways in which the Government of India’s Armed Forces Special Powers Act and the Public Safety Act provide a paralegal context for extrajudicial killings and torture, the article proceeds to consider how recent literary and cultural representations of Kashmir such as Naseer Ahmed and Saurabh Singh’s Kashmir Pending, Bhasharat Peer’s Curfewed Night, Mirza Waheed’s novel The Collaborator and Salman Rushdie’s Shalimar the Clown not only document the crossing of the Line of Control by so-called insurgents, but also raise questions about the violence of state sovereignty by mourning the lives and deaths of those who dare to challenge the Indian state’s spatial performance of sovereignty. In so doing, the paper suggests that postcolonial narratives of mourning offer an important counterpoint to the necropolitical logic of India’s performance of sovereignty over Kashmir. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: This article examines the Western Atlantic migration corridor to the Canary Islands, one of Europe’s most perilous yet persistently traversed routes, through the conceptual lens of infrastructures of endurance. Drawing on fieldwork in El Hierro and Tenerife, it employs patchwork ethnography and semi-structured interviews with migrants from West Africa and the Horn of Africa. A distinctive feature is my engagement as a Red Cross volunteer in El Hierro, which provides rare access to humanitarian infrastructures and their moral economies. The study integrates Mbembe’s notion of necropolitics with migration-infrastructure theory to theorise infrastructures of endurance as fragile, moral, and material assemblages through which migrants collectively sustain life amid systemic restrictions. Four interconnected dynamics structure the analysis: fragmented journeys, necropolitical exposure at sea, reception as humanitarian deterrence, and solidarities that make endurance possible. Findings show how migrants convert abandonment into provisional architectures of life. The Canary Islands emerge as experimental sites of European border governance where deterrence, hospitality, and resistance collide. Conceptually, the article advances infrastructures of endurance to rethink corridors, survival, solidarity, and mobility justice within Europe’s expanding necropolitical migration regime.Citation: Salifu, M. (2026) ‘Where the route ends and the new border begins: necropolitical governance and migrant resistance in the Canary Islands’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, pp. 1–23. doi: 10.1080/1369183X.2026.2646983. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: This article uses Michel Foucault’s account of state racism from “Society Must Be Defended” to understand racialized violence in the criminal justice systems of the USA and England and Wales. Foucault argues that modern states make race in order to exercise the sovereign power to kill, by both directly killing racially defined groups and through “indirect murder…or, quite simply, political death. I argue that both the US and English criminal justice systems exercise state racism directly and indirectly, including through police shootings and imprisonment. This state racism extends to multiple groups who are racialized as non-White, including Black people, immigrants, and indigenous peoples. Given the connection that Foucault identifies between sovereignty and racialized state violence, I suggest that ending racism in these criminal justice systems requires developing non-racist forms of national identity and reconceptualizing sovereignty to delegitimize the state’s power to kill.Citation: Pemberton, S. X. (2015) ‘Criminal Justice as State Racism: Race-Making, State Violence, and Imprisonment in the USA, and England and Wales’, New Political Science, 37(3), pp. 321–345. doi: 10.1080/07393148.2015.1056429. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: From 1958 to 1964 in Colombia, during the first years of the partisan power-sharing agreement known as the National Front, roving crews of gunmen labelled ‘bandits’ who had been mobilised and then abandoned by party elites terrorised local populations in the countryside. We track the gruesome photographic record of that violence: first, as it was produced by bandits who recruited photography in their bids for local sovereignty; second, as it circulated through government and media accounts that turned those same images back on the bandits as part of the military’s hunt for them as outlaws; and third, as a group of scholar-activists used them in academic publications that sought to shock the public into conscious concern and stimulate a sociological discussion about what caused and fuelled the violence. We argue that disparate uses of the same type of images – portraits of bandits and the cadavers, often mutilated, of their victims – constituted a necropolitical visual regime in which the elite consensus between government and press most effectively harnessed the photographs’ affective charge and channelled it into the pacification effort.Alexander L. Fattal & Andrés F. Caicedo Sierra (2023) A Necropolitical Visual Regime: Banditry in Colombia, 1958–1964, History of Photography, 47:4, 368-388, DOI: 10.1080/03087298.2024.2429879 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: This article examines Zionist sexual politics as a particular modality of settler colonial subject making. It analyses the inclusion of Israeli LGBTs into the state, by examining the cultural archive of Zionism, in which the colonisation of Palestine and Palestinians is constitutively inscribed and obscured. Tracing the itinerary of Israel’s LGBT movement, it looks at how the Zionist project becomes articulated on novel terms. Focusing on the specific formation of an Israeli gay identity in tandem with Israel’s shifting settler colonial discourse and sexual politics, this article suggests that the itinerary of Israel’s LGBT movement forms the condition of possibility for Israel’s pinkwashing campaign to take shape. Following Palestinian anticolonial queer interventions that see pinkwashing as part of the Zionist project, it intervenes in analytical practices that frame pinkwashing as a manifestation that arises from the global conditions of homonationalism. It asks: how does Zionist settler colonialism form the conditions of possibility for an Israeli gay subjectivity and pinkwashing to emerge? In doing so, it complements contemporary conversations on the formation of sexual subjectivities within settler colonial contexts by suggesting that these not only define modern sexual politics, but simultaneously re-shuffle the foundations of the Zionist settler colonial project itself.Citation: Stelder, M. (2018) ‘‘From the closet into the Knesset’: Zionist sexual politics and the formation of settler subjectivity’, Settler Colonial Studies, 8(4), pp. 442–463. doi: 10.1080/2201473X.2017.1361885. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract:Trans-Syrian refugee sex workers in Lebanon occupy a unique intersection of compounded vulnerabilities: gender identity, forced displacement, precarious labor, and systemic violence. Engaged in sex work for survival, these women navigate high-risk environments where they endure harassment, assault, and marginalization. This paper explores a self-defense training provided to 10 trans-Syrian refugee women in sex work, examining how they conceptualize self-defense—not only as a physical skill but as a tool for negotiating power in abusive partnerships, safeguarding themselves from violent clients and law enforcement, and mitigating everyday risks. Employing an intersectional framework, it explores how gender identity and refugee status amplify exposure to violence, while queer necropolitics examines how state and societal forces render trans refugees as “disposable” subjects outside legal and humanitarian protections. Additionally, critical refugee studies highlights forced displacement as a site of vulnerability and resistance, where trans-refugee sex workers actively subvert their erasure through embodied self-defense. Participants’ narratives demonstrate that self-defense goes beyond physical protection—it is a strategy to resist violence in sex work, manage abusive intimate relationships, and confront structural conditions of exploitation. This study challenges the victimization of trans refugees, highlighting their agency and the need for policies that address their intersectional realities.Citation: Diab, J. L. and Samneh, B. (2025) ‘Fighting to Be Felt: Queer Necropolitics and Self-Defense as Resistance for Trans-Syrian Refugee Sex Workers in Lebanon’, Journal of Homosexuality, pp. 1–22. doi: 10.1080/00918369.2025.2537833. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: Since the Turkish government’s recent turn to authoritarianism, tens of thousands of public dissidents and government critics have been subjected to dismissals and revocation of civic rights via emergency decrees. The victims call this process ‘civil death’. We aim to understand the logic behind this form of punishment in Turkey by examining the differential genealogy of civil death in the work of Hannah Arendt, Bertrand Ogilvie, Giorgio Agamben, and Achille Mbembe. We demonstrate that a later form of civil death was used by totalitarian regimes in a process leading to the reduction of targeted individuals as ‘superfluous’ and as ‘living corpses’ in concentration camps. In these contexts, death became an instrument of biopolitical and necropolitical powers. We propose that although contemporary punishment of public dissidents in Turkey shares some similarities with these forms of civil death, it may more fittingly be identified as civic death. We argue that while civil death is based on the classical political right of the sovereign to ‘make die’ after first reducing targeted individuals to little more than living corpses, civic death is linked to the power of the sovereign to ‘let die’ through the exclusion of public dissidents from economic, social, and political life.Citation: Özdemir, Seçkin Sertdemir, and Esra Özyürek. “Civil and Civic Death in the New Authoritarianisms: Punishment of Dissidents through Juridical Destruction, Ethical Ruin, and Necropolitics in Turkey.” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 5 (2019): 699–713. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48541175. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Abstract: COVID-19 has made visible and deepened inequalities globally, while also manifesting the vital role of functional food, health, and care systems in a context of strong socio-ecological interdependencies. We here mobilize bio– and necro–politics to problematize the declaration of agricultural workers as ‘essential’ and the accompanying policies during the early months of the pandemic, focusing on the region of Lleida, Spain. We show how this proclaimed indispensability was aiming mostly at securing cheap labor to agri-business while workers continued to be treated as expendable. An intersectionality lens allows us to understand discrimination and racism as health determinants, operating within and defining ‘glocal’ food necropolitics and COVID-19 biopolitics.Citation: Panagiota Kotsila & Lucía Argüelles (2024) The necropolitics of expendability: migrant farm workers during COVID-19, The Journal of Peasant Studies, 51:2, 441-465, DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2023.2243440 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com

Mahmoud Alhirthani (09 Mar 2026): Transediting necropolitics BBC’s Arabic and English coverage of Gaza’s digital blackout, Journal of Multicultural Discourses, DOI: 10.1080/17447143.2026.2639337 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit necropolitics.substack.com