Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice. Korea and Canada announced a broad economic partnership spanning energy, critical minerals, hydrogen and defense, with Korean defense conglomerate Hanwha at the center of numerous proposals that could reshape both countries' industrial landscapes. The announcement followed a meeting on Tuesday in Ottawa between Canada's Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Tim Hodgson and Korea's Chief of Staff to the President and Special Envoy for Strategic Economic Cooperation Kang Hoon-sik. The meeting coincided with the Korea-Canada Energy and Resource Supply Chain Cooperation Forum, which brought together senior government officials, industry leaders and investors from Canada's energy, mining, infrastructure and technology sectors. The partnership reflects the growing weight of bilateral trade. In 2025, energy products became Canada's largest export category to Korea, valued at approximately 2.2 billion Canadian dollars ($1.6 billion), and metal ores and nonmetallic minerals ranked second at approximately 1.5 billion Canadian dollars. Korea has already invested approximately 1.6 billion Canadian dollars in the LNG Canada project and is expected to double that to 3.2 billion Canadian dollars as future phases advance. Korea has also recently scrapped its 3 percent tariff on Canadian crude oil imports and is expected to import approximately 16 million barrels of Canadian crude this year, rising to 20 million barrels next year. Beyond energy, Kang outlined an ambitious industrial initiative dubbed "Project Beaver" in an interview with CTV News. The proposal is tied to Hanwha Ocean's bid to build submarines for the Canadian military — known as the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project, or CPSP — and would pair that defense contract with broader economic investment. Under the plan, Hanwha Ocean said it would invest more than 3.1 billion Canadian dollars and create approximately 9,000 jobs, with a focus on building out a hydrogen transportation ecosystem in Canada. That would include a hydrogen liquefaction facility in British Columbia, a network of hydrogen refueling stations across British Columbia and Alberta and a factory in Ontario to manufacture hydrogen-powered commercial vehicles. The company's CPSP proposal, submitted in late April, is the centerpiece of its Canadian ambitions. Independent analysis estimates the proposal could generate 96.3 billion Canadian dollars in GDP impact and support more than 433,000 Canadian jobs over the initial acquisition period from 2026 to 2044. Flavio Volpe, president of the Automotive Parts Manufacturers' Association (APMA), said after signing a memorandum of understanding with Algoma and Hanwha on June 1 that the partnership could create 30,000 direct and indirect jobs in Ontario alone. Hanwha Ocean said it has committed to delivering the first four submarines under the CPSP by 2035, with all 12 submarines deliverable by 2043 — offering Canada an accelerated path to recapitalizing its submarine fleet.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the advisory body for natural heritage under World Heritage Committee, concluded that tidal flats in Yeosu, Goheung, Muan and Seosan collectively nominated as "Korea Getbol, Korean Tidal Flats Phase Ⅱ" meet the criteria for inscription for preserving biodiversity by serving as critical habitats for endangered species, according to Korea Heritage Service (KHS), in charge of Korea's Unesco world heritage sites nominations. If the second phase gets approved, the expanded serial World Heritage property will comprise six components, including the existing four getbol sites of Seocheon, Gochang, Shinan and Boseong-Suncheon, which were approved in 2021 at the 44th World Heritage Committee. The IUCN additionally recommended analysis of additional getbol regions in Korea with potential of outstanding universal value and continue engaging local community for support. Unesco World Heritage designations are oftentimes opposed by the local community because they often bring stricter environmental regulation and development restriction. The KHS said it will work closely with the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, local governments and communities to the fortify preservation and management of Korea's getbol as a world natural heritage. The agency also said it would faithfully implement the IUCN's recommendations to secure final approval for Getbol, Korean Tidal Flats Phase II.

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. Pop Mart's popular character Hirono has found a permanent home among the mung bean pancake stalls and vintage textile shops in Seoul's Gwangjang Market. The global toy brand unveiled the standalone Hirono Gwangjang Market store during a media event on Thursday, ahead of its grand opening on Friday. Lang, the artist behind Hirono, and boy band ZeroBaseOne member Sung Han-bin attended the press event. The shop marks the fourth permanent Hirono-themed location in the world, following those in Shanghai, Bangkok and London. "We definitely feel very excited and grateful," said Lang in a written interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily ahead of the media event. "During the Seongsu pop-up took place in May, we received a lot of warmth from Korean fans. That gave us great confidence to bring Hirono back in a more permanent way." The Hirono pop-up store in Seongsu drew massive crowds. "We focused on blending [the store] into the existing street and market vibe," Lang said, adding that Hirono's "quiet emotional power" complements Gwangjang Market's character. "[The shop] does not need to be loud or stand in the center. [...] We did not want the store to feel like a brand being placed on top of the market. We wanted it to sit naturally within the market, next to local shops and everyday scenes." The design of the space follows a "Passing Station" concept, Pop Mart said, symbolizing Hirono's journey through other cities before arriving in Seoul and embodying Hirono's brand philosophy of "quietly existing along the [everyday] paths that people pass by to offer comfort without clamoring for attention." Unlike conventional Pop Mart stores, which primarily focus on figurines, the Hirono Gwangjang Market edition expands the character's lifestyle lineup. "Because Hirono is rooted in emotion and companionship, it feels natural for the IP [intellectual property] to move beyond figurines and become part of daily life," Lang said, adding, "We hope Hirono can accompany fans in a more immersive way — through what they wear, what they use and the spaces they spend time in." Lang attributed the milestone to Hirono's unique emphasis on emotion. "[Hirono] reflects many deep and unspoken feelings that people may find hard to express. "For us, creating a standalone themed store brings Hirono's emotion and journey into real life." During the media event, Sung browsed the merchandise. "I personally love the Hirono IP [intellectual property], and it was hard to take my eyes off the space because there are so many hip apparel lines and home decor products that are perfect for daily use, in addition to the figures," Sung was quoted as saying. "I hope that fans will also fully enjoy Hirono's unique sensibilities, along with the delicious food that Gwangjang Market has to offer." The brand plans to significantly expand the store's list of products. Located at 88 Changgyeonggung-ro in Jongno District, central Seoul, the store opens from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m.

This article is by Lee Ah-mi, Ryu Hyo-rim, Kim Gyu-tae and read by an artificial voice. Korea's election agency is facing a deepening credibility crisis after a ballot shortage on Election Day left voters at over a dozen polling stations unable to cast their votes, with new figures showing the agency had budgeted to print enough ballots for 110 percent of eligible voters but printed only half that number. The incident has left political parties on both sides calling for accountability from the National Election Commission (NEC), and experts say it has exposed deep structural problems in an agency that has operated for decades with little external oversight. Fourteen polling stations in Seoul ran out of ballot sheets on Wednesday, forcing voting to continue until 10 p.m. — four hours past the original closing time. Twelve of the affected stations were in Songpa District, southern Seoul, with one each in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, and Gwangjin District, eastern Seoul. The extended hours meant some voters were still casting ballots as live vote counts were being broadcast on television nationwide. Chaos continued as a crowd gathered outside one of the stations that had run out of ballots, in Jamsil 7-dong in Songpa District, physically blocking ballot boxes from being removed and demanding that counting be halted and the election rerun. "This was a serious situation in which voting was distorted, with some voters casting their ballots while watching exit poll results and vote-counting updates," Lee Hyun-chool, a professor of political science at Konkuk University, said. The political backlash from both left and right was swift. The main conservative opposition People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok visited the NEC in the early hours of Thursday morning and met with NEC chairperson Rho Tae-ak, demanding that counting be suspended and the election held again. After counting concluded, PPP's election campaign committee co-chairman Song Eon-seok said he had "proposed to the Democratic Party of Korea that an emergency parliamentary investigation into the NEC be conducted." Oh Se-hoon, who won reelection as Seoul mayor, said Thursday that "strict accountability must follow without fail." The ruling liberal Democratic Party (DP) pressed for the resignation of NEC Secretary General Heo Cheol-hoon. "We must consider whether the secretary-general, who bears responsibility for the NEC's administration, should step down," Cho Seung-rae, the party's secretary general, told reporters. The NEC issued a public apology on Wednesday evening. On Thursday, it announced it would establish a committee to investigate what happened. However, it drew a line at calls for a rerun, saying the incident "does not constitute grounds for postponing or rerunning an election under the Public Official Election Act." How did the shortage happen? The NEC said the number of printed ballot sheets in Songpa District was equivalent to 50 percent of its registered voters. Gwangjin District and Gangnam District, where polling was also suspended, printed ballots for 50 percent and 55 percent of their electorates, respectively. This was in line with NEC guidelines instructing regional commissions to secure "a minimum of 50 percent of registered voters" worth of ballots for Election Day. Printed ballots are distributed to polling stations, with reserves held at district election offices to be dispatched where and when needed. "The projection of voter turnout exceeding 70 percent was based on the combined early-voting rate and election-day turnout, but heavier-than-expected crowds at multiple polling stations led to confusion and disruptions," said an NEC official. But the controversy deepened when it emerged that the NEC had received budget from local governments on the basis that it planned to "print ballots equivalent to 1.1 times the total number of registered voters" — yet printed only half that number. "Since a supporter of a particular political p...

This article is by Seo Ji-eun, Fergus Goodall Smith and read by an artificial voice. On a summer morning in Seoul two years ago, Yoon Gap-yeon, an 81-year-old woman who lives by herself, collapsed just at the threshold her front door. After that, she remembers little. She lay alone on the floor of her basement home for roughly half an hour — long enough, in the heat, that the outcome could easily have been different. Fortunately, her Yakult delivery woman arrived — one of Korea's roughly 11,000 "fresh managers," women who deliver chilled probiotic drinks door to door on electric carts. "She said, 'What's wrong?' I could hear her, but I couldn't respond," Yoon told the Korea JoongAng Daily last week. The manager ran to find a pharmacy, returned with medicine, came back that evening with porridge, and later helped connect Yoon to her local community center for welfare support. "If she hadn't come when she did, I don't know what would have happened to me," Yoon said. Korea has one of the world's fastest-aging populations. Nearly two million Koreans aged 65 and older live alone, equal to one in five seniors. Last year, a record 3,924 died in isolation, alone, their deaths undiscovered for days or longer. A survey by the Seoul Institute found that 62.1 percent of people living alone report feeling lonely; 13.6 percent have no one to rely on at all. Yoon lives alone in Gwangjin District, eastern Seoul. Intestinal surgery years earlier had left her weighing 41 kilograms (90 lbs) and unable to eat most ordinary foods. Her son lives in Ulsan, a five-hour drive away, and visits when he can. The manager who found her that morning was Son Young-soon . The Korea JoongAng Daily joined Son on her morning rounds on May 26. Making the rounds Before becoming a Yakult delivery woman 26 years ago, Son worked as a nursing assistant — a background, she said, that made her attentive to the kinds of changes that can go unnoticed in someone living alone. Her route winds past Hyemin Hospital and through streets lined with low-rise residential buildings and public housing in Gwangjin District, an area with one of the higher concentrations of elderly and vulnerable residents in eastern Seoul. She manages around 70 customers, about 10 of them are older adults living alone. Yoon is one of them. The deliveries take only a minute at each door. "They have no one to talk to," Son said. "So when you see them, it all comes out — how they're feeling, where it hurts. Some of them give you fruit or snacks and say thank you." Son keeps notes on who has been quieter than usual, who mentioned a hospital appointment, who did not answer on a day they were expected to be home. "I just like people," she said. "Especially the elderly — they seem to like me. I have a friendly face." On the morning of May 26, as she worked her way down the block, a neighbor stopped mid-stride to place an order. A few minutes later, Yoon, returning from a hospital visit, spotted Son across the street, crossed over and took her hand. A man surnamed Kim, 82, is another of Son's customers, who has been receiving deliveries three times a week for three years through a government designation. Asked about his daily routine, he was brief. "Eating, sleeping," he said. "Taking medicine every day." Asked whether he has friends or neighbors his age nearby, he paused for only a moment. "They're all dead," he said. "I'm living on medicine." A care worker comes to clean his home and do his laundry. Son's visits offer something different, he said — "emotionally. In the heart." He called the people who come to see him "angels," and said he looks forward to the visits. When the door stays shut Fresh managers like Son often end up doing more than delivering drinks, particularly as the country ages and the networks around older people grow sparser. Under a government-linked program launched in 1994, HY, the Korean food company that makes Yakult, coordinates with local welfare authorities and social agen...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. [NEWS ANALYSIS] While Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang's visit to Korea last October sent chipmakers soaring, news of his latest trip to Korea this week has sparked a rally in robotics-related stocks — shares of LG Electronics hit the daily trading limit for two consecutive sessions right after his visit was reported, while Doosan Robotics surged around 50 percent. During the same period, Samsung Electronics gained 17 percent, while SK hynix rose just 4 percent. Marking his second visit in just eight months, the rapid succession of trips reflects Huang's determination to position the country as a critical pillar of Nvidia's robotics ecosystem, rather than merely as a supplier of components. The U.S. tech giant urgently needs real-world hardware environments in which to test and validate the technologies underpinning its physical AI ambitions — and Korea is a very suitable test bed, industry observers say. Huang is reportedly scheduled to hold a series of meetings with Korea's top business leaders, including SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won, LG Group Chairman Koo Kwang-mo, Hyundai Motor Group Executive Chair Euisun Chung and Naver founder Lee Hae-jin. While Huang's previous visits to Korea largely focused on strengthening the chip supply chain, this trip is expected to center on robotics, reflecting the firm's evolution beyond semiconductors into physical AI, which spans robotics, autonomous driving and industrial digital twins. Korea as Nvidia's AI test bed Nvidia needs more than software to realize its physical AI ambitions, which means it requires real-world hardware on which to test and validate its AI, whether on robots, vehicles or home appliances. Korea's highly advanced manufacturing ecosystem and large-scale production capacity make it a natural fit as Nvidia's preferred real-world testing ground. Nvidia unveiled Cosmos 3, an open foundation model designed for physical AI, at the GTC Taipei 2026 trade show on June 1 and highlighted Samsung Electronics, LG Electronics and Doosan Robotics as firms developing robotics applications with the platform. Cosmos 3 enables robots and autonomous vehicles to understand and interact with the physical world by processing text, images, video, audio and motion data. Nvidia says the model can shorten physical AI development cycles from months to days. LG Electronics' home robot CLOiD, powered by Nvidia's Jetson Thor chip and Isaac robotics platform, was featured in the presentation. The Korean appliance maker is stepping up its robotics investments, with plans to ramp up production of key robotics components, including actuators, beginning next year. "The fact that Huang is returning just seven months after his last visit, without a major external event, shows how important Korea has become to Nvidia," said Jeff Kim, an analyst at KB Securities. "Nvidia needs manufacturing partners capable of testing and validating robotics, automotive and consumer AI applications at scale, and Korea offers exactly that." Nvidia is already cooperating with Doosan Robotics on intelligent robotic systems slated for commercialization in 2027. A commercial humanoid model is expected to follow in 2028. The partnership gained momentum in April when Madison Huang, Nvidia's senior director of product marketing and Jensen Huang's daughter, visited Doosan Robotics' Innovation Center in Seongnam, Gyeonggi, in April. Huang has also highlighted his collaboration with Naver, which is developing robotics technologies integrated with cloud computing and digital twin platforms. Perhaps the most strategically significant partnership is with Hyundai Motor Group, the company that not only owns robot maker Boston Dynamics but also can offer Nvidia access to real-world vehicle data and large-scale deployment opportunities for autonomous driving technologies. "Nvidia has spent decades developing autonomous driving technologies, but now has realized that software alone...

The author is a professor of Department of Smart Automotive Engineering and Future Mobility Master's Program at Seojeong University. The atmosphere at Silicon Valley house parties is changing. Developers no longer keep checking social media feeds or stock prices. Instead, many find themselves constantly monitoring the status of AI agents running in the background. Venture capitalist Nikunj Kothari has called this phenomenon "token anxiety." A token is the basic unit of computation used by artificial intelligence. As AI systems work around the clock, humans increasingly worry about what those systems are doing. Tokens also carry a financial cost. The more tokens an AI system consumes, the higher the bill. Yet the deeper issue is not computing expenses themselves but the cost of maintaining human control over increasingly autonomous systems. The trend is closely tied to the rise of "vibe coding." Rather than writing code line by line, developers describe a desired outcome in natural language and let large language models handle the implementation. Users see only the finished result, much like a completed dish placed on a dining table. Hidden from view are countless model calls, debugging cycles and iterations taking place behind the scenes. The less transparent the process becomes, the more invisible costs accumulate. During the prototype stage, this approach can appear revolutionary. Once a product enters real-world operation, however, the tradeoffs become clear. If developers do not fully understand AI-generated code, even minor bugs can be difficult to fix. Users become less like programmers and more like managers. They spend additional time providing context, validating outputs and monitoring errors. When the technical debt and maintenance burden left by AI-generated code are taken into account, the long-term cost of control can easily exceed visible server expenses. The same principle applies to physical AI systems operating in the real world. Because humans cannot continuously monitor and intervene in physical space in real time, systems such as autonomous vehicles must make reliable decisions within milliseconds. Competitive advantage does not come from processing ever-larger amounts of data. It comes from achieving a level of reliability that people can trust while using the minimum amount of computation necessary. For that reason, the next stage of AI competition will not be defined solely by model performance. Systems that achieve greater reliability with fewer tokens are likely to outperform larger systems that consume ever-increasing computational resources. The key measure is not volume of computation but the density of meaningful information. Ultimately, token anxiety reflects fear of losing control rather than concern about computing costs. Automation that lacks clear rules about when AI should stop and when human verification should begin creates a new form of waste. An uncontrolled loop is inefficiency disguised as efficiency. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Kim Won-bae The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. A notable exchange during a Cabinet meeting last month highlighted a growing debate over the government's proposed "AI for Everyone" initiative. The project is part of President Lee Jae Myung's campaign pledge to build an "AI basic society," aimed at guaranteeing a minimum level of access to AI for all citizens. When Lee asked about the program's progress, Deputy Prime Minister and Science and ICT Minister Bae Kyung-hoon replied that preparations were underway, with a target launch in November or December. Bae explained that the service would be provided free of charge through 2028, after which private companies would lead its operation. Lee offered a different perspective. If users are required to pay after becoming accustomed to free access, many may stop using the program, he said. While acknowledging that not everyone needs the same level of service, Lee suggested guaranteeing a minimum level of AI access for all citizens while charging for upgraded features. He also reminded Bae, a former business executive, that efficiency and fairness must be balanced. The exchange revealed two distinct approaches. Bae's comments reflected an industrial policy view in which the government creates initial demand before allowing the private sector to lead. Lee emphasized access to AI as a basic social right. As the technology becomes increasingly important in daily life, concerns about access are understandable. But the government's plans may be moving too quickly. At a press briefing last month, Bae announced a goal of providing every citizen with an AI agent. Unlike chatbots, which simply answer questions, AI agents are designed to perform tasks on behalf of users. The government also plans to offer specialized services for older adults and socially vulnerable groups. The challenge is that expanding free access does not automatically create a sustainable service model. During the internet era, user data became the foundation of targeted advertising, and this allowed technology companies to generate substantial revenue. Generative AI operates differently. User interactions may help improve services, but they do not automatically create enough revenue to offset the significant costs of computation. AI agents are even more expensive because they must understand requests, gather information and repeatedly carry out multiple tasks. Questions of quality and accountability also deserve careful consideration. For AI for Everyone to become a nationwide program, it must first provide quality responses that users who are familiar with commercial AI services find acceptable. But the program's performance and operational stability have not been publicly verified. Promising advanced agent functions before these basics are proven may be premature. The risks increase if AI agents become linked to public services. Incorrect information or inaccurate guidance could cause administrative problems. The more strongly the government promotes the program as a free national service, the more likely citizens are to regard it as a public service. If errors occur, responsibility will inevitably fall on the government. Another unresolved issue is who determines the scope of free services. Private AI providers normally decide where to draw the line between free and paid features. Under the government's model, however, public funds would support free access for all citizens. If participating companies limit usage because of rising costs, public dissatisfaction is likely to be directed at the government. On the other hand, if the government demands broader functionality to satisfy users, it risks interfering with private-sector pricing and service design. A better approach would be to foster competition among multiple AI providers while limiting government intervention afterward. Extending de facto free-service requirements beyond 2028 could distort the market and weaken innovation. The program ...

Cho Yoon-je The author is a special appointment professor at the Graduate School of Economics at Yonsei University. There is a saying that for every complex question, there is almost always a simple, neat and plausible answer that is wrong. The idea of Korea's "imperial presidency" often strikes me as one such answer. Whenever constitutional reform is discussed, the same diagnosis appears: The concentration of presidential power is blamed for the failures of Korean politics, and power-sharing is presented as the solution. The history of Korea's presidents is indeed extraordinary. In one of the most successful postwar development stories in the world, it is difficult to find a president of the country who has not faced exile, assassination, imprisonment, impeachment, suicide or criminal investigation. But is this simply the result of excessive presidential power? If Korean presidents truly possessed such authority, why were they unable to use it effectively and legitimately? Why did so many leave office under public criticism or legal punishment? Novelist John Updike, a two-time Pulitzer Prize winner, once wrote in "The New Yorker" that the American presidency is merely a stop on the way to the blessed condition of becoming a former president. Even during U.S. President Donald Trump's first term, former President Barack Obama and his wife earned substantial income through speeches, books and consulting work while continuing to enjoy broad public respect. Former President Bill Clinton followed a similar path. Earlier American presidents also moved on to productive postpresidential lives. George Washington established a whiskey distillery, William Howard Taft became chief justice of the United States and Herbert Hoover pursued his passion for fishing. During my years working in Britain and the United States, I observed that prime ministers and presidents there exercised authority comparable to, and sometimes greater than, that of Korean presidents. The Republic of Korea was founded by rapidly adopting institutions that had evolved over centuries in Western democracies. This created a significant gap between formal institutions and social realities. Korea's first Constitution, modeled largely on that of the Weimar Republic, was drafted and adopted within little more than a month. For thousands of years, the Korean Peninsula had never experienced a system based on the separation of powers. Nor had it undergone the intellectual movements that shaped modern democratic institutions in the West. As a result, a disconnect emerged between legal institutions and social behavior. Korea's rapid economic rise was not achieved solely through strict adherence to formal rules. Much of its success came from bridging the gap between institutions and reality through informal practices. Viewed favorably, this was flexibility. Viewed critically, it often involved corruption or legal shortcuts. This pattern extended beyond government. The history of Korea's economic development is also a history of arrests and presidential pardons involving business leaders. Family-controlled conglomerates dominate the economy, yet Korean commercial law contains no formal definition of a chaebol. As conglomerates expanded, practices such as accounting manipulation, preferential transactions among affiliates, cross-support and lobbying became common. In such a structure, controlling shareholders could easily become entangled in allegations of breach of trust, tax evasion or embezzlement. The same reality affected ordinary citizens. Powerful investigative agencies emerged in a society where few individuals or companies could claim perfect compliance with every rule. Korean politics, society and the economy operated under that shadow for decades, and traces of it remain today. This is not an argument in defense of corruption or legal violations. Rather, it is a call to examine honestly the relationship between Korea's institutions and the behavior of its people. Th...

The fallout from the ballot shortage that struck 17 polling stations across Seoul, Gyeonggi and Incheon during the June 3 local elections continues to spread. Although the election has ended, a ballot box containing roughly 2,000 votes cast in Jamsil 7-dong, Songpa District, Seoul, remained unopened as of Thursday, while protests by citizens outraged over the botched administration of the vote persisted. Because the National Election Commission (NEC) failed to prepare an adequate number of ballots, voters' fundamental political rights were ultimately infringed upon, and confidence in the fairness of the election was severely undermined. President Lee Jae Myung on Thursday rebuked the commission, saying that "gaps in election management that are difficult to understand or justify" had occurred. The Democratic Party raised questions about the future of Secretary-General Heo Cheol-hoon, while the People Power Party called for the immediate resignation of all officials responsible for the fiasco, including NEC Chairman Rho Tae-ak. Yet given the gravity of the matter, it is doubtful that the resignation of a handful of officials alone can calm public anger. Such a bewildering administrative blunder — the kind more commonly associated with poorly governed states — can only be explained by a comprehensive breakdown of discipline and accountability. A thorough investigation into the decision-making process that led to the ballot shortage is the bare minimum. Those responsible must be held fully accountable, both legally and administratively. The NEC, in fact, has enjoyed an extraordinary degree of autonomy as a constitutionally independent institution since its establishment in the wake of the fraudulent March 15 presidential election of 1960. The public expected the commission to safeguard the independence and neutrality of election administration. Instead, it has repeatedly generated controversy, from the notorious "basket voting" scandal to a series of other election-related disputes. Shielded by its independent status, the commission has long resisted oversight, refusing audits by the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea and avoiding administrative inspections of its operations. The preferential hiring of children of commission officials was one such internal scandal that flourished in a blind spot beyond effective public scrutiny. An institution whose very lifeblood is fairness has repeatedly found itself embroiled in allegations of voting irregularities and misconduct. Calls for fundamental reform have surfaced time and again, only to fade without meaningful results. Under current law, the chairman of the NEC and the heads of regional election commissions serve in non-executive, largely honorary capacities, leaving internal controls weak. Perhaps because the commission wields the power to file criminal complaints, politicians from both the ruling and opposition camps have often been reluctant to challenge it. Any institution that operates without meaningful checks and balances is bound to grow complacent and vulnerable to corruption. This latest debacle must not be brushed aside. The NEC's organizational structure and election management system require a comprehensive overhaul. That is also the surest way to dispel persistent conspiracy theories about election fraud and restore public trust in the democratic process. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Yeo Sung-kuk and read by an artificial voice. Major discrepancies between election forecasts and the final results of the June 3 local elections and National Assembly by-elections have sparked growing doubts about the accuracy of exit polls and pre-election surveys. Changing voting patterns, declining survey participation and methodological shortcomings all contributed to the misses. The result has been a growing debate over whether Korea's polling industry needs to rethink how it measures public opinion. In the Seoul mayoral race, incumbent Oh Se-hoon of the People Power Party (PPP) won with 49.15 percent of the votes compared to his contender Chong Won-o of the Democratic Party (DP), who won 48.13 percent of the votes as of 5 p.m. on Thursday. However, the exit poll had inaccurately projected that Chong would win with 51.4 percent and Oh at 46 percent. A similar discrepancy emerged in the South Gyeongsang governor's race. The exit poll showed Kim Kyoung-soo of the DP leading with 54.3 percent, ahead of the incumbent Park Wan-soo of the PPP at 45.7 percent. Park ultimately won the race with 51.28 percent of the votes compared to Park's 48.71 percent. The discrepancies were striking in races that had been expected to be closely contested. The Daegu mayoral race had been projected as a razor-thin contest. Instead, Choo Kyung-ho of the PPP defeated Kim Boo-kyum of the DP. Choo received 53.92 percent of the vote to Kim's 45.05 percent. The North Jeolla governor's race, another contest expected to be a nail-biter, also ended with a wide margin. Lee Won-taeg of the DP secured 51.22 percent of the vote, comfortably ahead of independent candidate Kim Kwan-young, who received 41.78 percent. Forecasts for National Assembly by-elections showed similar discrepancies. In Gyeonggi's Pyeongtaek-B constituency, PPP candidate Yu Eui-dong won with 34.83 percent of the votes, far ahead of DP's Kim Yong-nam at 28.77 percent and Cho Kuk of the Rebuilding Korea Party at 27.24 percent. Pre-election polls also differed significantly from the final results. A telephone survey conducted by KBS and Hankook Research between May 24 and 27 showed Cho would win at 24 percent and DP's Kim Yong-nam would earn 22 percent, with Yu at at 20 percent. Despite the survey results, Yu ultimately won. A separate ARS survey conducted by CBS and the Korea Society Opinion Institute between May 22 and 23 in Gyeonggi's Hanam-A constituency showed DP candidate Lee Kwang-jae at 48.8 percent and PPP candidate Lee Yong at 39.1 percent. The final result was far closer. Lee Kwang-jae won by a margin of just 1.56 percentage points and earned 49.68 percent of the votes and Lee Yong earned 48.12 percent. The telephone poll results from the JoongAng Ilbo–Kstat survey from May 26 to 27 projected that Chong would win with 44 percent of the votes compared to Oh's 36 percent, with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.5 percentage points. However, Oh ultimately won the race. Details are available on the website of the National Election Survey Deliberation Commission. Why did exit polls and poll surveys fail to capture voter sentiment accurately? "Godeok-dong, Godeok-myeon and Paengseong-eup [in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi] are grouped into a single polling area, but too few people answer phone surveys, which makes it difficult to accurately reflect local voter sentiment," said Yu, the winner of the National Assembly by-election in Pyeongtaek-B constituency, on SBS Radio on Thursday. "Many rural conservatives are tied up [with farm work] through the end of May [and can't pick up the phone for telephone surveys]." "After conducting polls in Pyeongtaek-B and Busan Buk-A constituencies, I came to a troubling realization," said Kim Ou-joon, the pro-government YouTuber who operates polling firm Flower, during a broadcast on Thursday. "We conducted these polls ourselves, but even we can't trust them. It showed me that there are serious flaws in the polling and exit-poll meth...

This article is by Park Yu-mi and read by an artificial voice. Elon Musk's space company, SpaceX, is set to make its Nasdaq debut on June 12. It's expected to become the largest initial public offering (IPO) in history and potentially reshape global equity markets — and the Korean bourse is no exception. SpaceX is expected to be valued between $1.75 trillion and $2 trillion, with the offering size projected at $75 billion to $80 billion, according to foreign media reports and industry estimates as of June 1. The estimates are more than double the previous record set by Saudi Arabia's national oil company, Saudi Aramco, which raised $29.4 billion during its IPO. SpaceX is scheduled to begin an investor road show on June 4, during which it is expected to finalize details such as the size of the offering, the IPO price and valuation. Investors are closely watching how much capital the listing could draw away from soaring AI-related stocks. "Investment capital seeking future growth opportunities is currently concentrated in AI-related shares," said Kim Il-hyuk, an analyst at KB Securities. "If SpaceX goes public, some investors may reduce their exposure to existing growth stocks and shift funds into the new listing. Stocks whose valuations have risen sharply on expectations of future growth are likely to be affected first." Some industry experts see the recent foreign selling of major semiconductor stocks, such as Samsung Electronics and SK hynix, as a partial reflection of portfolio adjustments ahead of SpaceX's listing. The impact could be amplified in Korea, where retail investors account for a relatively large share of market participation. "Unlike a typical IPO, SpaceX is expected to allocate 20 to 30 percent of its initial free float to retail investors," said Park Hye-ran, an analyst at Samsung Securities. "Short-term selling pressure is likely to fall on stocks that have already seen substantial gains, as well as Tesla and its aerospace-sector peers." Another key issue is the timing of when SpaceX will debut on the Nasdaq-100. Under the Nasdaq's new "fast entry" rule, which took effect on May 1, large IPOs can qualify for index inclusion as little as 15 trading days after listing. That means SpaceX could join the Nasdaq-100 roughly two weeks after its market debut, rather than waiting a year or more. Despite SpaceX's enormous valuation, analysts expect the initial market impact to be limited because only 3 to 5 percent of its shares will be available for trading after the IPO. As a result, index-tracking funds would initially need to buy only about $4 billion worth of stock, according to Samsung Securities. The more significant market impact is expected later when lockup restrictions on existing shareholders, such as founder and owner Elon Musk, begin to expire in stages. "If the free-float ratio [the percentage of shares available for public trading] exceeds 33 percent between mid-September and October, roughly 120 to 140 days after the IPO, passive inflows from index-tracking funds could increase to as much as $31 billion," said Park Hye-ran, an analyst at Samsung Securities. "At that point, SpaceX could surpass Tesla and become one of the seven largest companies in the Nasdaq-100 by market capitalization." SpaceX's listing could mark the beginning of an IPO supercycle in the second half of the year, with other major private technology firms such as OpenAI and Anthropic potentially following. The three companies' combined fundraising target is estimated at around $200 billion, with a combined valuation of roughly $4 trillion. "The burden on global liquidity from such large-scale offerings could be significant, particularly given interest rate uncertainty and other macroeconomic challenges," said one finance industry source. "Many retail investors are being driven by the fear of missing out, but the biggest risks remain uncertainty surrounding future capital flows and corporate valuations." This article was original...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. GANGJIN, South Jeolla — The sea never really leaves you on the Korea Dulle Trail. One moment it emerges beyond dense pine trees, and the next it glimmers past wild tea fields, above temple rooftops and even along roadside paths, always finding its way into view. The 4,500-kilometer (2,800-mile) trail network connects the coastal edges of the Korean Peninsula, stretching along the east, west and south coasts as well as the borderlands near the DMZ. For years, the government has worked to stitch together Korea's coastlines alongside nearby villages and regional destinations into one continuous trail, hoping to lure travelers beyond major cities and into quieter, often overlooked corners of the country. Since the trail's official completion in September 2024, 251 people have completed the entire course, taking many from two to four years, according to the Korea Tourism Organization (KTO). But far more have taken on the four individual trails that make up the larger trail. The trail's major appeal lies in how naturally it blends walking with travel itself. One stretch may lead to mountain and seaside temples, and another to historic neighborhoods where travelers can dive into the city's local cuisine. Here are a few sections of the Namparang Trail and Seohaerang Trail in South Jeolla that offer a glimpse into the scale and variety of the Korea Dulle Trail. Namparang Trail's course 83: Mount Mandeok's Dasan Chodang In 1801, a man was exiled to Gangjin, a quiet county in South Jeolla on Korea's southern coast, amid the persecution of Catholics. For the last 10 years of his 18-year exile, he lived in a humble chodang, a small thatched cottage, at the foot of Mount Mandeok. His name is Jeong Yak-yong, better known by his pen name Dasan. He is now remembered as one of the greatest scholars of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). Today, the site is known as Dasan Chodang. Past hanoks (traditional Korean houses), many now operating as guesthouses known for hearty breakfasts, a narrow forest road in Mount Mandeok leads toward the lonely site of his exile. At the entrance hangs a small bow tied to a fence with "Namparang Trail" written on it. Yet exile was not entirely lonely for Dasan. He had a dear friend. About 30 minutes away on foot is Baengnyeonsa temple, where he would meet the Venerable Hyejang, who was also his teacher and student during his banishment. Down the hill, a concrete road lined with colorful traditional lanterns leads to the temple built in 839. At Buddha halls perched at the top of the temple grounds, views of the sea emerge beyond rows of tiled rooftops. Final course of the Namparang Trail: Mihwangsa Temple A king from the Indian Udyana Kingdom was carrying Buddhist scriptures aboard a ship and sailing across seas in search of a destined land, according to a legend, when one mountain radiated an auspicious energy, with 10,000 Buddhas appearing around its peaks. Believing it to be a sacred site fit to spread the teachings of Buddhism, the king landed there, the legend says. That mountain was Mount Dalma in Haenam, South Jeolla. Still today, it's regarded as a holy site. The sea off the temple served as a key maritime gateway linking Asia since ancient times. New goods and Buddhist beliefs arrived by sea, and thus Mihwangsa Temple was established on the mountain's slope, serving both as a place to pray for safe voyages and as a base for spreading Buddhism. Another one of Mount Dalama's famous spots is Dosolam Hermitage perched near Dosolbong Peak. It's where the monk Uijo Hwasang, who is said to have founded Mihwangsa Temple, practiced Buddhism while admiring the sunset. The hike there is rugged, with sharp rocky ridges, uneven paths and steep hillsides where one wrong step could send a hiker slipping downhill. But the climb is worthwhile upon reaching the hermitage, perched atop stone steps high in the mountains. From there, panoramic views of South S...

Lee Soo-hwa The author is a research professor of Big Data Innovation Convergence College at Seoul National University and the head of the AI Center at DLG Law Corporation. AI's next battleground is not the data center but the living room. The valuation of Boston Dynamics, a robotics company under Hyundai Motor Group, has reportedly climbed to around 30 trillion won ($19.6 billion). Meanwhile, LG Electronics recently launched Axium, its robotics actuator series, and announced plans to become a vertically integrated robotics company. "The appliance of the future is a humanoid," Seoul National University Prof. Jang Byung-tak said, capturing a shift that is reshaping investor sentiment. This is not just another technology stock rally. Investors in western Seoul's Yeouido and on Wall Street are placing a premium on the moment when AI, once confined to generating text on screens, enters the physical world through machines equipped with motors and metal frames. Behind this shift is a new understanding of intelligence. Intelligence is no longer viewed as the product of calculation alone. Humans do not record the world as cameras do; instead, they create meaning through interactions shaped by perception, experience and emotion — a process that cognitive science refers to as embodied cognition. Industrial robotic arms operate in highly controlled settings, where they repeat predefined tasks. Future humanoids, however, must function in far less predictable environments. A family living room, where children leave their toys scattered across the floor, presents challenges that do not exist on an assembly line. As a result, the humanoid race involves more than computing power. People constantly create unexpected situations. They can alter the location of furniture and other household items. They can dirty the floor. Even the seemingly simple act of washing dishes could require adaptation. The longstanding AI ambition of categorizing the world and governing it through fixed rules is insufficient for such conditions. Humanoids must learn by interacting with reality rather than relying solely on preprogrammed responses. Competition has already become global. China's Unitree is pursuing aggressive expansion with relatively affordable humanoid robots. Tesla and major U.S. technology companies have begun deploying robots in their own factories. Korean firms are responding with advanced manufacturing capabilities. The key question is not who possesses the most sophisticated algorithm but who can build machines capable of functioning in imperfect human environments. The standards used to assess corporate value are also changing. Investors increasingly reward companies that move beyond controlled settings and into everyday life. The premium goes to those capable of recovering after failure and adapting to unexpected variables. Machines are no longer digital ghosts confined to screens. They are entering daily life in physical form. The future will belong to machines and organizations that can withstand real-world shocks and continue learning from them. A machine that never falls can never learn how to walk. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is the head of the United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea and a former ambassador to the Mission of the Republic of Korea to Asean. Located in the Daeyeon-dong area of Nam District, Busan, the United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea was established in January 1951 by the United Nations Command during the height of the 1950-53 Korean War to bury fallen service members. In 1955, after Korea's National Assembly decided to donate the cemetery site, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution placing the cemetery under permanent UN management. As the UN Memorial Cemetery marks its 75th anniversary and Korea observes its annual month of remembrance and patriotism, it is worth reflecting on what kind of space this unique site should become in the years ahead. The cemetery is more than a burial ground. It is both a repository of history and a valuable urban green space woven into the daily lives of Busan's 3.24 million residents. Last year, approximately 470,000 people visited the site. Through the end of March this year, visitor numbers had already reached 120,000, a 50 percent increase from the same period a year earlier, putting the cemetery on track to surpass 600,000 visitors by the year's end. The question is how far such a place should be opened to the public while preserving the solemnity of its mission. The future of the UN Memorial Cemetery should be guided by three principles. First, the cemetery must remain, above all else, a place of remembrance. It is the resting place of 2,339 service members from 14 countries who sacrificed their youth and lives in defense of Korea's freedom and peace. For that reason, management principles should remain consistent with those of major international military cemeteries such as the Arlington National Cemetery in the United States and the Normandy American Cemetery in France. Dignity and solemnity must be preserved. Access to lawns should continue to be primarily for memorial and visitation purposes, while excessive noise and recreational activities should be limited. The significance of the cemetery has not diminished with time. Since 2015, 37 Korean War veterans who died in their home countries have been reinterred at the cemetery. Just last month, one Dutch veteran and two French veterans returned to rest beside their comrades. Since 2017, the annual Turn Toward Busan ceremony has been held every Nov. 11. At 11 a.m., people around the world are invited to observe one minute of silence facing Busan, where the cemetery is located, to honor those who fought in the Korean War. Veterans and bereaved families continue to travel long distances to revisit the cemetery, and some veterans choose it as their final resting place. They do so because the site retains the dignity expected of a memorial space and because Korea's government and citizens continue to remember their sacrifice and service. At the same time, selected green areas may be used in ways that are more accessible to the public. People can walk quietly through nature, students can participate in educational forest programs and international visitors can experience Busan's identity as a global city committed to peace. Such activities, however, should be carefully aligned with the character of the site. Rather than functioning as a picnic destination or venue for commercial festivals, the cemetery is better suited to small concerts with commemorative themes, lectures on peace and history and ecological education programs that reinforce its purpose while maintaining its dignity. Second, it is important to distinguish between different types of events. Memorial ceremonies should continue to be held near the principal cemetery grounds and symbolic areas where the flags of the United Nations and 24 nations are displayed. Cultural events, by contrast, could be considered in green spaces or near the UN Forces Monument, provided they take forms consistent with remembrance and reflection. Decisions regardin...

The author is a professor of communications at Seoul National University. The heated local elections have come to an end. Yet more significant than the outcome itself is the fact that the infrastructure of political participation has shifted rapidly toward YouTube Shorts and large political YouTube channels. Algorithm-driven media continuously recommend content similar to what users have already watched. Shorts are even more powerful because videos begin playing automatically. Even when televised debates contain substantive policy discussions, a verbal slip or awkward facial expression is often edited with captions and repackaged into a clip lasting only a few seconds. Stripped of context, such content spreads rapidly and can cloud voters' judgment as much as misinformation. The problem is that these videos have become a major campaign element through a combination of political fandoms, funding structures and platform algorithms. Korea has relatively strict election reporting rules. Various review bodies monitor election coverage to uphold fairness, balance and political neutrality. Unfortunately, however, the regulatory framework remains focused on established media organizations and has failed to reflect YouTube's growing influence. Traditional media and political advertisements are subject to extensive regulation, including YouTube channels operated by news organizations and videos produced by online news outlets. Yet the influence of political YouTubers, despite their enormous reach, remains largely outside the system. The current problem cannot be solved by selectively regulating individual creators or publicly criticizing global platform executives. YouTube has adopted certain transparency measures. During elections, its algorithm prioritizes authoritative news sources in search results. Political advertisements also require disclosure of advertiser identities and spending. Such transparency enables political parties, civic groups and citizens to monitor campaign activities. In Korea, however, online political advertising is prohibited, leaving these measures largely inapplicable. Instead of official paid advertising, large-scale political campaigns often take place through political YouTube channels. Super Chat donations, merchandise sales, product placements and bank account information displayed in subtitles all serve as channels for financial support. Cases occasionally emerge that raise suspicions of undisclosed relationships between politicians and channel operators. Across the political spectrum, content that blurs the line between fact and fiction is frequently repackaged into hundreds of short clips and distributed widely. Political bias in the media is an old problem, but institutional trust differs from identity-based trust. Established media organizations are not perfect, yet they operate through editorial review, verification and oversight systems. Some degree of gatekeeping exists. Trust in political YouTubers functions differently. It is often based on shared identity, emotional attachment and a sense of solidarity among followers. Political YouTube content typically relies on emotionally charged language centered on concepts such as good and evil, loyalty and betrayal. Communication that appeals to emotion is often more effective at motivating action than communication based on reason. The longer-term consequences are even more troubling. Rather than strengthening citizenship through participation in elections, this media environment risks making thoughtful citizens increasingly cynical while leaving only political hooligans as active participants. Some argue that because both sides of the political spectrum have extreme YouTube channels, balance is maintained overall. This is a mistake. Interestingly, comment sections on highly partisan political YouTube channels are sometimes more polite than those on major portal sites. Portal sites at least bring together people with different views. Political Y...

The local government leaders elected Wednesday face difficult challenges. The same is true for the central government, which postponed tough decisions until after the vote. Korea faces the "three highs" of inflation, exchange rates and interest rates, while stock market volatility and housing market risks are also growing. None of these issues can be resolved easily. Inflation remains a major concern. Consumer prices rose 3.1 percent last month, the fastest increase in two years and two months. The government has spent heavily to suppress fuel prices through a petroleum price cap policy. Without that measure, inflation likely would have been even higher. The policy's side effects are becoming clearer. Overseas package tour prices rose 26.3 percent last month, reflecting broader increases in travel-related costs. This suggests the policy weakened consumers' sensitivity to high oil prices and encouraged greater fuel consumption, a consequence critics had warned about. The won remains in the 1,500-per-dollar range. A weak currency does not necessarily signal a crisis, but it reflects the broader condition of the economy. It also raises import costs, increasing production expenses for companies that rely on foreign raw materials and adding pressure to domestic prices. Interest rates present another challenge. The Bank of Korea strongly signaled a policy rate increase in July. The upper end of five-year fixed mortgage rates at commercial banks has already climbed above 7 percent. Higher rates increase debt-servicing burdens and reduce household spending. The stock market also requires caution. Although the Kospi has approached the 9,000-point level, gains have been concentrated in semiconductor-related shares and volatility has increased. Housing risks are equally serious. Seoul apartment prices continue to rise and the rental market remains unstable. Policymakers should prepare for the possibility that profits from soaring semiconductor stocks and large performance bonuses could flow into housing. Recent housing pension data highlight this trend. Between January and April, 927 people terminated their reverse mortgage contracts, up 38 percent from a year earlier. The increase suggests many homeowners expect housing prices to rise further. The combination of a semiconductor boom, a weak currency and elevated inflation is likely to intensify inflationary pressure. Candidates who campaigned on cash-based welfare measures such as local currency programs should recognize these realities and abandon policies that could worsen inflation. The central government should also avoid relying on strong tax revenues to expand spending and instead focus on structural reforms and long-term investments that can strengthen Korea's economic fundamentals. The election is over. The economic concerns are not. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo The government has decided to sharply increase stock investments by the National Pension Service (NPS), which manages the retirement savings of the Korean public. The decision was approved on Thursday by the National Pension Fund Management Committee. At that meeting, the committee raised the target allocation for domestic equities to 20.8 percent from 14.4 percent, a dramatic increase. The move itself was not entirely unexpected. What raised greater concern was the committee's decision to give the NPS more flexibility to exceed the target. It significantly expanded the allowable range for so-called strategic asset allocation, enabling the fund to purchase more domestic stocks in the short term. Previously, the range was set at 5 percentage points. This time, however, the committee declined to disclose the revised figure, arguing that doing so could affect the fair execution of fund management and disrupt financial market stability. That explanation is difficult to accept. If disclosure threatens market stability today, why was the figure publicly available in the past? Many market participants believe the range has been widened to around 10 percentage points. If that estimate is correct, the NPS could raise its domestic equity allocation to more than 30 percent. As of the end of March 2026, the fund held more than 320 trillion won ($221 billion) in domestic stocks. The new framework could allow holdings to increase by more than 100 trillion won. Investors are understandably pleased. More buying by the NPS could provide additional support for stock prices. Yet from the perspective of retirement security, the decision raises legitimate concerns. Health and Welfare Minister Jeong Eun-kyeong, who chairs the committee, said the measure would improve both profitability and stability while taking financial market conditions into account. Critics, however, question whether the pension fund is being used to support the stock market. The long-term consequences are impossible to predict. No one knows whether Korean stocks will continue rising or eventually decline. If prices keep climbing, the pension fund will benefit. If markets fall after the NPS expands its exposure, losses will ultimately be borne by the public whose retirement savings the fund manages. Recent performance may encourage optimism. The NPS earned strong returns from domestic equities last year and in the first quarter of this year. But high returns are never guaranteed. High risk and high reward are inseparable. The fund's own history illustrates the point. Between 2011 and 2025, the NPS did not produce gains every year. It recorded losses roughly once every three years. Three of those years saw double-digit negative returns: minus 10.34 percent in 2011, minus 16.77 percent in 2018 and minus 22.76 percent in 2022. Even the best baseball hitter cannot avoid occasional strikeouts. Investment performance follows a similar pattern. Another troubling aspect of the decision is the lack of transparency. The committee has not disclosed the basis for expanding domestic stock investment, nor has it revealed what arguments were exchanged during the Thursday meeting. That prompted the Pension Research Society, a group of pension experts, to question whether the decision was based on long-term analysis of returns and risks or was simply an improvised response to immediate market pressures. The meeting minutes will not be released until late May 2030 under the National Pension Act. By then, the current administration will be nearing the end of its term. In practice, the public will have to wait for years before learning how such an important decision was made. The contrast with the Bank of Korea is striking. The central bank typically publishes minutes of Monetary Policy Board meetings within about 20 days and explains policy decisions through press conferences held by the governor. The pension fund committee does neither...

Today is Election Day for Korea's June 3 local elections. Voters will choose governors, mayors, county chiefs, district heads and local council members who will serve four-year terms. Elections for provincial and metropolitan education superintendents, who help determine the direction of elementary, middle and high school education, will also be held. Local elections carry significance comparable to presidential and parliamentary elections because they determine who will oversee policies that directly affect residents' daily lives. Road maintenance, public transportation, welfare services, regional development and education are all matters handled by local governments and elected officials. Depending on where they live, voters in this election may receive as many as eight ballots and must choose among numerous candidates. Evaluating the promises and qualifications of candidates ranging from mayoral contenders to district council hopefuls is no easy task. Even in education superintendent races, multiple candidates from progressive and conservative camps are competing, making it difficult for some voters to recognize even their names. Yet grassroots democracy cannot function without individual participation. Before heading to the polls, voters should review campaign materials delivered to their homes or consult information provided by the National Election Commission. Examining candidates' policy proposals and personal backgrounds can help citizens make more informed choices. This year's election also highlights broader problems within local politics. Three heads of local governments and 510 local council members have already been elected unopposed. In many cases, the two major parties failed to field candidates in each other's traditional strongholds in the Yeongnam and Honam regions. In metropolitan areas, local council races have often been divided between the same rival parties in a pattern some describe as hostile coexistence. Among those elected without a vote, 138 have criminal records. That reality underscores why voting solely along party lines is not desirable. Voters should make every effort to distinguish qualified candidates from unqualified ones rather than simply supporting an entire slate based on party affiliation. The election also carries national political significance. It is the first nationwide election since the Lee Jae Myung administration took office a year ago. In addition, parliamentary by-elections are being held in 14 constituencies. After today, no nationwide election is scheduled until April 2028. The ruling Democratic Party argues that stronger support for local candidates will help advance the government's agenda. The opposition People Power Party, meanwhile, is urging voters to strengthen checks on the administration. The results are likely to influence debates over real estate policy, taxation, prosecutorial reform and other major national issues. Today's vote is about more than selecting local officials. It is an opportunity for citizens to influence both the future of their communities and the direction of national politics. Every ballot cast carries that responsibility. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. In collaboration with the Presidential Archives of Korea, the museum will present "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship," an exhibition tracing the history of bilateral ties through gifts exchanged by leaders and official diplomatic records. "Throughout Korea's history, from the Joseon Dynasty to the Korean Empire, provisional government and now the Republic of Korea, France has been a longstanding friend and partner," said Lee Hong-ju, the curator of the exhibition, on Tuesday. "The exhibition looks into those 140 years of friendship through gifts and records." The onggi wine bottle marks the first official gift exchange between the two countries, when Charles de Montigny, then the French consul in Shanghai, visited Joseon to rescue the crew of the French whaling ship Narval, which had drifted ashore on Bigeum Island in 1851. It was gifted to the consul by the people of Bigeum Island, as marked on the bottom of the bottle, and had been donated to the Musée National de Céramique de Sèvres in France. This is the bottle's first return to its home country in 175 years. The second section showcases the original documents of the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Joseon and France, signed on June 4, 1886. The treaty was drafted in both Chinese characters and French, with two copies produced in each language. Korea currently possesses only the Chinese-language version, which is housed at the National Library of Korea. The agreement granted legal protection to French missionaries and allowed them to travel throughout the country with valid passports. It also provided the legal basis for missionary activities in Joseon, including the building of Myeongdong Cathedral in central Seoul today. The original record of land purchases for the cathedral's construction by Bishop Marie-Jean-Gustave Blanc is also on display. From the third section is where a series of exchanged gifts, some of which are lavish, reveals, reflecting the close and active relationship they maintained over the years. The fourth section examines exchanges during the Japanese colonial period, while the fifth focuses on diplomatic ties after Korea's liberation. Among the items on display in the fifth section is a silver vessel presented by French President François Mitterrand during the 1986 Paris summit, the first summit between the two countries held in France. Then-President Chun Doo Hwan gifted a Korean celadon vase in return. The two countries continued to strengthen their relationship through subsequent exchanges. Highlights include a lacquered mother-of-pearl box presented by President Roh Tae-woo during a 1989 summit in Paris and a crystal vase crafted by the French luxury crystal maker Baccarat, which President Jacques Chirac gifted at the 2000 Paris summit. Among the most recent are the Lady Dior handbag and a set of summaries of the history of the French Revolution, which French President Emmanuel Macron gifted to President Moon Jae-in at a summit in Paris in 2018. A related exhibition that focuses on a pair of banhwa — a potted tree-shaped ornament with symbols of prosperity, longevity and peace, one of the crafts that King Gojong gifted to French President Carnot — has opened at Dondeokjeon in Deoksu Palace. Banhwa incorporates motifs such as peonies, orchids, pine trees and oriental arborvitae, meticulously crafted from precious materials including gold, jade, coral and tortoiseshell. The ornament, currently held by France's Guimet National Museum of Asian Arts, couldn't be sent to Korea due to the risk of damage. The two pairs on display at the National Palace Museum of Korea and at Dondeokjeon are replicas crafted by National Intangible Cultural Heritage holder Kim Young-hee and sponsored by Korea's cosmetics company Amorepacific. The exhibition "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship" at the National Palace Museum of Korea runs through Aug. 2 a...

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong and read by an artificial voice. The AI boom has overtaken the social media craze — Samsung Electronics on Tuesday has overtaken Tesla and Meta Platforms to become the world's 9th-most-valuable publicly traded company by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' market capitalization at one reached $1.58 trillion as the shares rose 4.58 percent during trading on Tuesday, according to CompaniesMarketCap, a website that tracks the market value of listed companies worldwide, as of 3:11 p.m. The gain pushed the Korean chipmaker past Tesla, whose market value stood at $1.56 trillion, and Meta Platforms at $1.52 trillion. It allowed Samsung to move up two spot in the global rankings. Before overtaking Tesla and Meta on Tuesday, Samsung Electronics ranked No. 11 globally by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' placement in the No.9 has caused Tesla and Meta Platform to drop down to the No. 10 and 11 rank, respectively, as of 3 p.m. Tuesday. Samsung Electronics could climb further if its recent share-price momentum continues, market observers say. Nvidia remained the world's most valuable company, with a market capitalization of $5.43 trillion. It was followed by Alphabet, the holding company behind Google, at $4.51 trillion, Apple at $4.50 trillion, Microsoft at $3.42 trillion and Amazon at $2.81 trillion. TSMC ranked No. 6 with a market capitalization of $2.26 trillion. It was closely chased by Broadcom and Saudi Aramco, with market capitalizations of $2.18 trillion and $1.76 trillion, respectively. Another Korean major chipmaker SK hynix slipped one place in the global rankings after its shares fell 2.62 percent on Tuesday. Ranked 13th globally, its market value was tallied at $1.10 trillion. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Park Sang-moon and read by an artificial voice. [ZOOM KOREA] The arc formed by the long sleeves of a jangsam, a monk's robe used in traditional Korean dances, cuts through the air in almost a devotional gesture. At the same time, the dancer clutches a white silk handkerchief and moves it as if it's an extension of their own body. In traditional Korean dances, this tossing and gathering of the cloth often symbolizes holding something and letting it go, a cycle through which the inescapable sorrow in life constantly transforms. Under Choi Chang-deok's control, that grief never becomes overwhelming. Instead, through restrained breathing and movement, the veteran dancer brings the audience toward a calm that exists after sadness — and, at times, toward moments of ecstasy and climax. Choi, also known as Dancho, is a traditional Korean dancer who is officially certified to carry on the traditions of seungmu, a monk's dance, and salpuri, a purification dance, both of which are designated by the government as National Intangible Cultural Heritages. Even among the dancers keeping the country's traditional arts alive, Choi stands apart for the way in which he has inherited the artistic spirit of his teacher, the master dancer Lee Mae-bang (1927-2015), while developing a distinctive style of his own by connecting that legacy with the "Cheonbugyeong," an ancient Korean philosophical text. His journey, like most others, began with his family and led him to some of the greatest masters of Korean dance and music, all of whom would teach him how to enter a philosophical realm in which the order of the universe is expressed through movement. Born in Hongseong, South Chungcheong, as the youngest of seven children, Choi possessed a natural talent for dancing and singing. During his elementary school field days, he would sling a janggu, an hourglass-shaped traditional drum, over his shoulder and freely show off his skills, quickly becoming the center of attention. But his specific affinity for traditional Korean music was rooted in his family background. His aunt was well known in the region for gayageum byeongchang — a performance style that combines singing with playing the gayageum, the plucked zither — meaning that such instruments were always present in the house. The first decisive turning point in Choi's life as a dancer came when he began studying under the late Han Young-suk (1920-1989), one of the most prominent figures of 20th-century traditional Korean dance. As a middle and high schooler, Choi spent almost every weekend traveling to take lessons from Han. He also learned how to perform Gyeonggi folk songs under An Bi-chwi (1926-1997) and pansori, or traditional Korean opera, under Park Cho-wol (1917-1983), both master singers of their era. At 19, Choi met the renowned Lee Mae-bang through Han's introduction. Lee, one of the most emblematic figures in traditional Korean dance, is often described as having been "a dancer sent from heaven" and an artist who reached a state of spiritual discipline through dance. Choi's rise to becoming one of the country's leading dancers today is undoubtedly rooted in his relationship with both Han and Lee. However, despite Choi's passion for dance, his parents wanted him to pursue an academic path at university, and he complied with their wishes, entering Dankook University to study French language and literature. Still, he refused to abandon dance and won numerous awards at competitions across the country during his university years. After graduating, Choi worked for a year as a French teacher at Seosan Girls' High School in South Chungcheong. Even there, he often found himself teaching his students how to dance during school events. His longing for the arts and his turmoil over whether he was truly meant to be a French teacher instead of a dance teacher weighed heavily on him. Eventually, Choi knelt before his parents, pleading for their understanding, and declared that he ...

This article is by Jeong Eun-hye and read by an artificial voice. For generations, Korean romance revolved around the oppa — a term women use for an older brother, but also a common nickname for an older boyfriend. More recently, however, noona, or older women, are increasingly becoming the ideal in both Korean dramas and real-life relationships. On screen, that shift was on full display in the third season of tvN's "Yumi's Cells" (2021–), in which female protagonist Yu-mi blushes after hearing the word "noona" from the younger male lead, Soon-rok. "Can I just call you noona instead?" Soon-rok asks Yu-mi in a scene where their relationship begins evolving from colleagues into lovers. Yu-mi's heart instantly races, with the word lingering in her ears like a pounding heartbeat. In another scene, the word noona is emphasized again as Yu-mi tries to reassure herself that it is "nothing unusual, just an everyday expression" after Soon-rok casually replies, "Yes, noona." Within the so-called cell village, the repeated use of the word noona awakens Yu-mi's long-dormant "amorous cell," which soon declares its next mission: dating a younger man. In the past, however, men generally avoided calling older women noona in romantic contexts. A famous example appears in singer Lee Seung-gi's hit "Because You're My Woman" (2004), whose lyrics include the line, "I'll call you [the informal] 'you.'" The Korean title of the track reads, "Because noona is my lady." Depending on the context, noona itself has evolved into a flirty gesture. Much like oppa, the word has taken on a dual role: both an everyday form of address and a romantic one. The shift first became noticeable with JTBC's "Something in the Rain" (2018), the Korean title of which literally translates to "pretty noona who buys me meals a lot." In line with shifting perceptions, powerful female characters are increasingly portrayed as more desirable on screen. In tvN's series " Filing for Love," for instance, the female lead Joo In-a, played by Shin Hae-sun, serves as the head of an audit team. Her love interest is Noh Gi-jun, a much lower-ranking assistant manager played by Gong Myoung. The drama has seen a steady rise in viewership, climbing from 4.4 percent at its premiere on April 25 to 7.9 percent by its eighth episode on May 17, according to Nielsen Korea. Meanwhile, couples with older husbands and younger wives fell to a record low of 63 percent. The first season of KBS reality dating show " Noona, You Are a Woman to Me" (2025–), which aired from October last year through January, produced three couples out of its potential five pairings. Ahead of its second season which premiered on May 23, the broadcaster released promotional videos introducing contestants with phrases such as "a woman who earns 10 billion won ($6.6 million)" and "a man proud of his physique." "People used to specifically say 'older-woman younger-man couple,' but now those relationships have become so common that the label itself is fading away," pop culture critic Jeong Deok-hyun said. "The breakdown of fixed gender roles is driving this change, and the evolving function of the word noona reflects that broader shift as well." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Seon-mi and read by an artificial voice. Performance bonuses set to flow to workers at Samsung Electronics and SK hynix could reach a combined 60 trillion won ($39.7 billion) this year. That's equivalent to more than two percent of last year's national output and, apparently, large enough to reshape housing markets, monetary policy and the whole labor market across Korea. Korea's major commercial banks have already begun positioning themselves around the chipmakers' payouts. One major bank is even considering stationing private bankers at satellite branches near the two companies' main sites, including SK hynix's headquarters in Icheon, Gyeonggi. Deploying private-banking staff for clients tied to a single employer is unusual, industry watchers said. "Satellite branches usually have only general staff handling remittances and loans, but we expect demand for asset management from these companies' employees to grow," a spokesperson at the bank said. "We are looking at reassigning our strongest private bankers." Another bank has held training sessions and product events at branches near SK hynix's headquarters, focused on individual retirement pensions, individual savings accounts, bancassurance and other tax-advantaged investment products. "We are pitching long-term wealth management aligned with how and when the bonuses are paid out, including company shares and retirement pension components," a representative said. Securities industry estimates put the combined bonus pool at roughly 30 trillion won for Samsung Electronics and 25 trillion won for SK hynix. The combined figure would exceed 2 percent of Korea's nominal GDP last year and more than double the 26.2 trillion won supplementary budget passed last month in response to the Middle East war. "The semiconductor boom is likely to spread through the wage structures of other industries and expand cash in circulation, with significant implications for the macro economy," said Yang Jun-sok, a professor of economics at Catholic University. "It could also feed into monetary policy decisions, including the base rate and economic outlook." The concern is that the sudden surge of cash will fuel inflation. In a report on Tuesday, Bloomberg Economics said the bonuses could make Korea's AI-driven chip boom a new driver of inflation and housing costs that the central bank will need to confront. The payouts are shifting from a company-level labor matter into a force that spreads semiconductor profits across the wider economy, feeding household cash, asset prices and wages, wrote Kwon Hyo-sung, the firm's Korea and Taiwan economist. "For the Bank of Korea, this adds to both financial-stability and inflation risks," Kwon wrote, adding that the trend leaves room for at least 1 percentage point of monetary tightening by the first half of 2027. The Bank of Korea is also watching whether the chipmakers' profit- and performance-linked bonus structures spread to other industries such as automaking, shipbuilding, refining and finance. An overall higher level of wage settlements with unions would lead to pressure on inflation, but unions at Hyundai Motor, Kia, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and LG U+ are already ramping up their demand for higher paychecks. Increased government spending based on higher corporate tax revenue is another inflation variable, fueling expectations of rate hikes. Kim Sang-bong, a professor of economics at Hansung University, said the geographic distribution of those receipts would matter. "If a substantial portion of the increased tax revenue is concentrated as local tax in regions where the companies' worksites are located, it could lead to gaps in infrastructure," Kim said. The bonus story is showing up in education and job markets too. A decades-old Korean ranking for so-called prestigious university majors — medicine, dentistry, oriental medicine, pharmacy and veterinary science — has even welcomed semiconductors as its latest addition. A n...

Yang Sung-hee The author is a cultural columnist. "People of 100 years from now, are you still eating tuna sashimi rolls? Are you still drinking local craft beer? Do you still read scraps of poetry? I regret that I will not live for 100 more years and so cannot hear your answer. Are you happy now?" Those lines — rendered from the original Japanese text — are from a short poem, the title of which translates to "A Message to the World 100 Years from Now," by Japanese poet Shuntaro Tanikawa. While reading the poem, I remembered a moment from my high school years. Looking out a bus window, I saw a young mother carrying a baby at a bus stop. Suddenly, I was struck by the thought that 100 years in the future, neither I nor the mother, the child or anyone standing there would still exist. The realization landed like a blow. It may have been my first encounter with the feeling of impermanence. An acquaintance often repeated the phrase "dust after 100 years." Since everyone becomes dust after a century, he would say, there is little reason to fight or struggle so desperately. The Bible offers a similar reminder: "For dust thou art, and into dust shalt thou return." Tanikawa, widely regarded as Japan's national poet, gives readers existential resonance through plain and concise language. Without grand declarations, he asks readers a century in the future whether they are happy. Customs may change, but human life continues. His gentle wish for the happiness of unknown future readers carries an unexpected emotional weight. The quoted poem appears at the end of the 2013 book "Writing Poetry" (translated), adapted from Tanikawa's appearance on NHK's interview program "100 Years Interview" (translated), featuring figures expected to be remembered a century later. In the book, Tanikawa reflects that unexpected words arrive when a person empties themselves of as much as possible. He also suggests that the universe is fundamentally meaningless and that human beings drape it with meaning through language. Readers of his work sense that poetry is less a search for answers than an attentive way of noticing fleeting things before they disappear from around us. Several of his poems appear in Japanese school textbooks. One of the best known, the title of which translates to "Living," captures the wonder of ordinary existence: "To be alive now means to be thirsty, to see sunlight shining through leaves, to suddenly remember a song, to sneeze, to hold your hand." The poem reminds readers that life is a magnificent collection of small moments encountered every day. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Son Sook-mee The author is the chair of the Gender Equality Committee at the Hansun Foundation and a former head of the Korea Population, Health and Welfare Association. For decades, Korea's marriage culture has been built around the idea of a "fully prepared marriage." A couple was expected to secure a respectable newlywed home, typically through a jeonse lease, furnish it adequately and hold stable jobs before crossing the threshold into married life. Although attitudes have evolved, traces of this traditional mindset remain deeply embedded in the public consciousness. Among these requirements, housing has long been the greatest obstacle. Unique among Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, Korea's jeonse system historically functioned as a housing ladder, allowing ordinary households to reduce monthly housing expenses and accumulate assets through large lump-sum deposits instead of monthly rent. Yet the system has also drawn criticism for fueling housing speculation through so-called gap investments. The Lee Jae Myung administration's tighter lending regulations and expansion of land transaction permit zones were intended to curb speculative demand. In practice, however, the market has witnessed a sharp decline in jeonse listings and a surge in lease prices. Across the country, households are struggling with simultaneous increases in jeonse, monthly rent and home purchase prices. As the jeonse system enters what many view as a period of structural decline, landlords facing heavier property tax burdens are increasingly converting leases to monthly rent in pursuit of stable cash flow. According to the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, monthly-rent contracts accounted for 68.3 percent of all lease transactions in the first quarter, highlighting the speed of this transition. Among newly-married renter households, the share living under jeonse contracts has fallen because of concerns about rental fraud, tighter loan regulations and limited new housing supply. Meanwhile, the proportion relying on monthly rent continues to rise rapidly. Few advanced countries place as much psychological importance on securing a home before marriage as Korea does. In Western countries and Japan, couples commonly begin married life in rental housing, gradually save money and purchase a starter home before moving up over time. Marriage is viewed as a process of growth rather than a finished achievement. Korea places a particularly heavy burden on men. Social expectations that a groom should at least provide an apartment under a jeonse contract create significant pressure for men and raise barriers for women as well. A cultural tendency to regard beginning married life in a studio apartment or small villa as a sign of hardship or failure reinforces a status-conscious approach to marriage and pushes young people toward unrealistic standards. The decline of jeonse and the expansion of a rent-based market could reduce the immediate burden of raising hundreds of millions of won for a housing deposit. For couples who postponed marriage because they could not secure such funds, the shift may create an opportunity to begin married life sooner. The challenge comes afterward. When a large share of household income is devoted to rent, housing insecurity remains unresolved. Young couples may marry but continue postponing childbirth for years. High rental costs make it difficult to accumulate assets and erode confidence in the future. Simply urging people to change their attitudes toward marriage will not solve the problem. For a culture in which newlyweds naturally begin in modest rental housing to take root, government and society must meet three conditions. First, housing prices must stabilize and gradually decline over the long term. As long as people fear that failing to buy now means never owning a home, few will choose a growth-oriented path to marriage. Second, the supply of high-quality long-term public...

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University. As political parties focus on Wednesday's local elections, another milestone arrives the following day. Thursday marks the first anniversary of the Lee Jae Myung administration. Much has changed during President Lee's first year in office. Most notably, his administration restored a measure of stability after six months of severe turmoil, division and uncertainty triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law. Diplomatically, the government managed relations with the United States despite U.S. President Donald Trump's unpredictable tariff and security policies and achieved progress in relations with Japan. Economically, exports increased despite difficult conditions, and the stock market enjoyed a strong run. These developments helped sustain Lee's approval ratings in the 60 percent range. Political factors also contributed to that success. The first year of any presidency typically benefits from a honeymoon period. Public memories of the turmoil surrounding martial law and impeachment remained fresh. The opposition, meanwhile, struggled to escape Yoon's shadow even after losing power. Against that backdrop, the administration often found it easier to govern. Whenever political difficulties arose, the president and the ruling party could invoke the cause of "overcoming the insurrection" as a powerful political argument. Yet it would be unrealistic to expect such favorable conditions to continue into the second year. One notable feature of the local election campaign is that the Democratic Party (DP)'s insurrection narrative appears to be losing its political effectiveness. Party leader Jung Chung-rae repeatedly raised the issue on the campaign trail, but the public response was noticeably weaker than before. The election may mark a turning point at which Yoon Suk Yeol's political impact has faded, and the Lee administration itself has become the primary object of public evaluation. Before the campaign began, many expected the DP to win nearly every metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial race outside North Gyeongsang. As campaigning intensified, however, races in politically significant cities such as Seoul and Busan became increasingly competitive. Whatever the election outcome, the Lee administration is entering a new phase in which it can no longer rely on criticism of its predecessor as a political shield. From now on, the administration's achievements and shortcomings will be judged on their own merits. One of the most important challenges facing President Lee is restoring Korean democracy. Since democratization, Korea has faced two major crises: the Asian financial crisis and the period surrounding the declaration of martial law. President Kim Dae-jung overcame the economic emergency by emphasizing burden-sharing and national unity while transforming the economy's structure. That achievement remains central to his legacy. The democratic crisis, however, has not yet been resolved. Judicial proceedings concerning the martial law episode continue, but the political polarization that helped produce the crisis remains unchanged. The DP's majoritarian approach has become normalized. President Lee himself often frames politics as a struggle between "us" and those perceived as harming communities and livelihoods. Several controversial initiatives have fueled suspicions that political considerations linked to the president's legal risks are influencing policy decisions. Together with the so-called judicial reform bills, these moves have raised concerns about the judiciary's neutrality and independence. During the first year, many such issues were overshadowed by the legacy of the previous administration. Going forward, however, similar actions are likely to translate directly into negative assessments of the current government. The president may also need to reconsider his governing style. If Lee...

A bilateral meeting aimed at implementing South Korea-U.S. security agreements on nuclear-powered submarines, uranium enrichment and the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel is set to take place on Tuesday. The gathering comes eight months after the leaders of the two countries reached their agreement in October of last year, highlighting the uneasy state of relations between the allies. The delay in follow-up consultations reflects several factors, including U.S. dissatisfaction over delays in Korean investment commitments and the fallout from the controversy over Seoul's efforts to investigate Coupang, a U.S.-based company, over a massive data breach, as well as geopolitical disruptions such as the war with Iran. During that period, cooperation among China, Russia and North Korea has continued to deepen. Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to China in May and speculation about Chinese President Xi Jinping's impending trip to North Korea underscore the growing alignment among the three countries. Although the process started later than expected for Seoul and Washington, this meeting should serve as an opportunity for the allies to accelerate the implementation of their agreements and ease concerns about growing mistrust within the alliance. Most importantly, trade issues should not again obstruct the execution of security agreements. Seoul should move ahead with investment commitments in the United States following the enactment of a special law on June 18. In return, Washington should seriously consider a currency swap arrangement to alleviate South Korea's concerns over exchange-rate instability resulting from large-scale investments in the United States. The government and ruling party should also remember that handling sensitive issues through a domestic political lens rather than according to global standards can damage national interests. The repercussions of the Coupang dispute illustrate that risk. The security agreement offers a direct path toward significantly strengthening South Korea's independent defense capabilities. At the recent Shangri-La Dialogue, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said expanding allies' share of security responsibilities is one of the core objectives of the U.S. National Defense Strategy. The United States has already agreed to provide Australia with three operational secondhand nuclear-powered submarines. Faced with difficulties in constructing new vessels quickly enough, Washington chose an alternative solution to reinforce burden-sharing among allies. Seoul, meanwhile, possesses one of the world's most advanced shipbuilding industries and has the capacity to build such submarines domestically. Whether the goal of acquiring nuclear-powered submarines can ultimately be achieved depends largely on the level of trust between Seoul and Washington. Continued friction over the Lee Jae Myung administration's push to complete the transfer of wartime operational control (Opcon) during the president's term is also a cause for concern. Differences over timing should not become an obstacle in the current security consultations. The public's objective is not merely the transfer itself but stronger security. Without U.S. cooperation, Opcon cannot be transferred successfully, nor would such a move strengthen national defense. The greatest risk is allowing disagreements and deadlines to generate further mistrust between the allies, making cooperation more difficult when closer coordination is needed most. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong, Park Eun-jee, Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice. The now-famous "Kkanbu meeting" — a casual gathering of Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, Samsung Electronics Executive Chairman Lee Jae-yong and Hyundai Motor Group Executive Chair Euisun Chung at a chicken joint last October — may soon get a sequel. As Huang prepares for another Korea visit this week, local media are already speculating about a " samgyeopsal meeting" on Friday, with reports pointing to a pork belly restaurant in Seoul's trendy Seongsu district as a possible venue. This time, the companions are expected to be Hyundai's Chung, SK Chairman Chey Tae-won, LG Group Koo Kwang-mo, Naver Chairman Lee Hae-jin and Doosan Chairman Park Jeong-won, prompting the shares of the companies to shoot up on Monday. Samsung's Lee is highly likely to be absent this time, as the gathering overlaps with an overseas trip. The visit will follow Nvidia's GTC conference in Taipei, Taiwan, alongside the Computex 2026 trade show, where he unveiled new products and platforms, including the Vera Rubin architecture and the Vera CPU designed for AI agents. SK's Chey participated in the conference as the group's chip unit, SK hynix, stands as a primary memory supplier for Nvidia's high-performing chips. Even before the visit, Korea's stock market rode the hype surrounding the iconic tech guru. LG Group affiliates, such as electronic component manufacturer LG Innotek and information technology company LG CNS, gained significantly, in line with the recent winning streak. Internet giant Naver rose 16.03 percent after climbing 14.15 percent in the previous session. Physical AI is expected to be a key topic during Huang's visit. The technology refers to AI systems that operate in the physical world, such as robotics, autonomous driving and smart factories. "The first round of meetings focused largely on factories and semiconductors," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "This time, the discussions are expected to expand into physical AI and platforms." The market is also drawing on the so-called learning effect from Huang's previous visit. Since the Oct. 30 outing last year, shares of Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motor have risen 235 percent and 183 percent, respectively. Huang met up with the chiefs for a special chimaek (chicken and beer) at Kkanbu Chicken in Seoul. "The fact that Jensen Huang is returning to Korea just seven months later — and apparently for business reasons alone — suggests Nvidia's dependence on Korea has grown significantly," said Kim Dong-won, head of research at KB Securities. Some analysts, however, cautioned that investors may be getting ahead of themselves. "A photo op is a one-day story, but memorandums of understanding, joint development projects, data centers, robotics platforms and smart factories can create long-term momentum," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "What matters isn't who meets Jensen Huang. It's who can generate recurring revenue within Nvidia's ecosystem." Another anticipated stop includes Naver's new office during his trip to Korea this week, drawing attention to the possibility of expanded AI cooperation between the two companies. Huang is coordinating with Naver to stop by its 1784 building in Seongnam, Gyeonggi, with June 8 considered the most probable date for his visit, industry sources said on Monday. Naver has been expanding its physical AI business on the back of its AI, cloud and digital twin technologies, and some expect the scope of its strategic cooperation with Nvidia to bolster those efforts. Naver 1784 is right next to the company's headquarters, and this proximity brings together advanced technologies, including robots, cloud computing, digital twins and a dedicated 5G network. AMD CEO Lisa Su also visited the building during a trip to Korea in March, when she met with Naver CEO Choi Soo-yeon and other executives. During this meeting, Naver and AMD signed a memorandu...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Summer is here, and girl group Meovv is kicking off June by cooling things down with a dose of uncanny spookiness in its latest lead single, "Ddi Ro Ri." With its second EP, "Bite Now," the girl group is declaring itself as a big cat this time, a bolder and sharper leap forward that member Gawon described by using the initials of the lead track's title, "DRR" — "Different, real and raw." "This album shows our more genuine selves," the Meovv member said during a press showcase for the girl group's second EP, "Bite Now," held at Cube Convention Center in western Seoul on Monday. "You'll be able to see Meovv with our raw wildness this time — like tigers." Meovv's second EP, "Bite Now," comes a year after its first EP, "My Eyes Open VVide" (2025), and eight months since digital single "Burning Up" (2025). The album features five songs: the lead track, "Ddi Ro Ri," and B-sides, "Hit 'Em," "In My Hands," "Favorite Song" and "Revenge." The lead single, "Ddi Ro Ri," sampled Bach's "Toccata and Fugue in D minor," combining the classic's dramatic melody line with Meovv's chic, intense flair — and a touch of spookiness. The eerie mood is most vividly shown in the music video where the members appear in uncanny white wigs and unsettling scenes unfold, including one in which red-clad figures flood into a room. The title "Toccata and Fugue in D minor" may not be familiar to everyone, but its ominous organ melody is instantly recognizable. The familiarity of classical sampling gives the song a dramatic leverage that many K-pop hits like Blackpink's "Shutdown" (2022) have leaned into before. Asked how she imagined Bach might react to the 21st century K-pop rendition of his Baroque music, Ella answered with a smile: "The song starts off a little spooky but then goes upbeat, he might have no choice but to dance to it." Meovv, pronounced "meow," debuted in September 2024 as the first girl group under The Black Label, founded by star producer Teddy in 2016. The quintet consists of Sooin, Gawon, Anna, Narin and Ella. Teddy suggested the members direct one another during the recording sessions of this album, Narin said, which helped them understand and connect with each other. She also added that the producer also advised them to "smile as much as they want, without restriction, if that's how they feel on stage." Meovv declared itself not a kitty anymore but a predator this time, promising a bold leap forward. "In this album, Meovv shows our more predator-like, intense sides," said Narin. "With our first EP, we showed what kind of music we pursue. This time, we are taking it to the next level, leaping forward to offer a new paradigm rather than staying cautious."

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. From technology and finance to consumer goods, international talent seeking employment in Korea had a unique opportunity on Monday to explore career options and speak directly with recruiters at the Global Talent Fair. The Job Fair for International Students, a major track within the 2026 Global Talent Fair hosted by the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency (Kotra), kicked off its two-day annual run at Coex in Gangnam District, southern Seoul. Around 100 companies participated in the event this year, with Kotra expecting at least 2,500 international job seekers to attend through Tuesday. "I'm planning to get consultations on my résumé and learn how to increase my chances as a foreigner of being recruited by these companies," Lydia Laryea, a senior majoring in business and accounting at Kangwon National University, told the Korea JoongAng Daily as she arrived at the venue. Laryea, a Ghanaian national who came to Korea under the Global Korea Scholarship program, said working in the country became a top priority after she became fascinated by Korean conglomerates like Samsung. "I was very curious about how Korea built its businesses, so I decided to come here to study," she added. The exhibition hall was packed with students and recent graduates like Laryea, all eager to learn about different corporate environments and secure face time with hiring managers. Major firms, including Dongwon Group and Hankook Tire & Technology, saw their schedules fully booked with one-on-one consultations throughout the day. Cosmetics giant Amorepacific, which is currently scouting for talent in global sales and marketing, also ran a booth and a dedicated recruitment session on Monday. "We usually post job openings for foreign fresh graduates once or twice a year," an Amorepacific hiring manager said, noting that the company currently employs around 100 foreign nationals, including those at overseas branches. "Sales and marketing are the primary positions open to international talent." Blue Bottle Coffee Korea, which joined the fair to recruit baristas, also saw its interview slots completely filled. For many recruiters at the venue, Korean language proficiency emerged as the ultimate prerequisite. "Korean language skills are vital because our baristas must interact directly with customers in Korean," Park Ji-min, a hiring manager at Blue Bottle said, adding that roughly 80 percent of the applicants who visited their booth spoke fluent Korean. According to the manager, prospective baristas do not need prior certifications since the company provides internal training. Visitors to the booth focused their questions on store placement, visa sponsorship and required skill sets. "We already have baristas from countries like Japan and China," the manager said. "Our goal is to hire more international employees to bring diverse perspectives and experiences to our teams." Semiconductor packaging and testing company Hana Micron also targeted international students specifically because of their existing familiarity with local culture and language. "Korean corporate culture can be quite conservative," Park Jun-hyun, hiring manager at Hana Micron said. "We are looking for candidates who understand this culture so they can integrate smoothly into the team." The company, currently seeking engineers, launched a program three years ago to recruit foreign talent within Korea, train them domestically and eventually dispatch them to its branch in Vietnam. For the job seekers, the fair provided clear insight into what Korean employers prioritize. "Many of them were looking for fluent Korean speakers," said Valeria Medivil Gomez Llanos, a job seeker from Mexico who recently completed a two-year Korean language program. She noted that the language barrier remains the steepest hurdle when job hunting in Korea. Nevertheless, Llanos valued the practical feedback she received on her credentials. "One rec...

This article is by Yoo Ju-hyun and read by an artificial voice. At 17, ballerina Yeom Da-yeon is heading to the Boston Ballet as a full company member in late July, bypassing both the apprenticeship phase that typically follows a strong showing at the Prix de Lausanne and the arts-school pipeline that produced most of her peers. Yeom placed second and won the audience favorite award at the 54th Prix de Lausanne in Switzerland in February. Past Korean winners include Kang Sue-jin, the recently retired Korea National Ballet director, who became the first Korean to receive a Lausanne scholarship in 1985 and joined the Stuttgart Ballet a year later at age 19. Yeom is skipping that one-year gap. Boston has offered her a full company contract at a rate well above the standard rate for a new hire. She has also never set foot in a specialized arts school. Yeom was homeschooled by her parents, both former ballet dancers. Her father, Yeom Ji-hoon, is a former Royal New Zealand Ballet soloist and former Korea National Ballet master, and her mother, Saori Hara, is a Japanese-born ballerina. Yeom Ji-hoon and Hara met in New York in the early 2000s. He had moved to the United States to chase larger stages after a stint as a soloist with the Seoul-based Universal Ballet. She had trained at the Joffrey Ballet School and danced with the El Paso Ballet in Texas and the Connecticut Ballet in Hartford, Connecticut, waitressing on the side. Hara had trained as a child in Hokkaido alongside Tetsuya Kumakawa, the former Royal Ballet principal often cited as one of the greatest male dancers Japan has produced. Yeom Da-yeon has been performing at a professional level for more than a year. She danced the title role in "Giselle" with the Korea Ballet Stars last year at 16, the country's youngest dancer in the role, and has since taken central roles in the M Ballet Company's "Ahn Jung-geun, a Dance in the Heaven" and the contemporary work "Mondrian." The variation she danced at Lausanne, "Esmeralda," is the same one she first performed in the eighth grade, when her parents say her potential began to show. Before her late-July departure, Yeom has five more performances to finish in Korea, including the "Seongnam Ballet Stars" gala. She is scheduled to make her Boston Ballet debut in a contemporary program in September and join a company tour to Paris in October. The JoongAng Sunday team sat down with Yeom and her parents at home. The following interview excerpts have been edited for length and clarity. Q. Were you aiming for the Royal Ballet? A. Yeom Da-yeon: I had only ever dreamed of the Royal, so going to Boston was unexpected. But the offer was so good, and I thought I could gain more experience there, so I chose Boston. Yeom Ji-hoon: The right place is the one that values her. I looked at Boston's recent repertoire, and the balance is ideal. They mix work by the hottest choreographers right now with the Ashton pieces Da-yeon has always wanted to dance and the Balanchine works that define American ballet. That's the biggest selling point. You're going straight from homeschool to working as a professional abroad. How do you feel about that? Yeom Da-yeon: I've been working with adult dancers on professional stages since last year, so going to a company actually feels more natural than going to school. Hara: I'm worried, but I left home at 19, too. You only become independent once you leave, and her time has just come a bit earlier. Unlike the kids who go to school dorms, she's a professional, so we need to find her an apartment. Rent is so expensive. I asked the company to help find her a roommate. What was it like playing 'Giselle' and its mad scene at 16? Yeom Ji-hoon: Her partner, a Universal Ballet principal, was so busy that they could barely rehearse together. She struggled, standing alone in front of an imaginary partner. I brought in a junior of mine who studied theater to coach the acting for a while. Yeom Da-yeon: It's a story about love...

The author is a writer and senior fellow at the Institute for Social and Economic Research. "All citizens shall have the right to receive education on an equal basis. At least elementary education shall be compulsory and free." This was the text of Article 16 of South Korea's first Constitution, approved on July 12, 1948, and promulgated on July 17 that year. Based on that provision, the Education Act of 1949 stipulated that all citizens were entitled to six years of elementary education. With this legal foundation in place, South Korea introduced compulsory education on June 1, 1950. Providing six years of free elementary schooling to every citizen was far from simple. In the years immediately following liberation from Japanese colonial rule, South Korea was among the poorest countries in the world, with gross national income per capita estimated at only $50 to $60. Between 70 and 80 percent of the population worked in agriculture, reflecting an economy heavily dependent on primary industries. The country also faced severe shortages of infrastructure. Electricity self-sufficiency stood at barely 8 percent because most power plants and industrial facilities built during the colonial era were concentrated in the North. South Korea lacked not only the cement needed to build schools but often even the electricity required to light classrooms. Yet none of these obstacles weakened the nation's determination to provide education. Politically, society was divided among competing ideologies, including left and right, conservatives and progressives. Despite those differences, there was broad agreement that education was essential to cultivating talent, overcoming poverty and building a better country. That commitment was tested almost immediately. On June 25, 1950, just weeks after compulsory education began, North Korea launched a surprise invasion. Seoul fell, government forces retreated through Daejeon and the Nakdong River became the final defensive line. Even amid war and national crisis, the desire for education did not disappear. After the war ended, efforts to expand compulsory education accelerated. South Korea remained devastated by conflict, with little industrial capacity and heavy dependence on foreign assistance. Nevertheless, elementary school enrollment reached 90.1 percent by 1960. By the middle of the decade, the country had effectively achieved universal enrollment. The power of education became one of the driving forces behind South Korea's transformation from one of the world's poorest nations into a leading global economy. The state of education today presents a different challenge. Debates over field trips, school sports days, private tutoring and university admissions have left the education system mired in controversy and public distrust. The anniversary of compulsory education offers an opportunity to revisit its founding spirit and reflect on how education can better serve future generations. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is a professor emeritus at Seoul National University. Later this month, a solid-fuel space launch vehicle is expected to rise above the waters south of Jeju Island. From a floating launch platform in the seas south of Jeju, a plume of fire will shoot skyward as the Agency for Defense Development conducts its fourth test launch of a solid-fuel space rocket. This mission is more than a technical demonstration. It is a significant milestone for Korea's space program. The launch will test a full-configuration vehicle integrating solid-propellant stages from the first through third stages. Its mission is to place a 100-kilogram (220-pound) synthetic aperture radar reconnaissance satellite developed by Hanwha Systems into a 500-kilometer (311-mile) sun-synchronous orbit. If successful, Korea will secure a key transportation capability that would allow it to deploy and replenish an independent low-earth-orbit surveillance satellite network around the Korean Peninsula whenever necessary. The greatest advantage of a solid-fuel rocket is rapid responsiveness. Unlike liquid-fuel rockets, which require complex piping systems and cryogenic fuel loading before launch, solid rockets remain fueled and ready. They can place satellites into orbit within hours or days without revealing extensive launch preparations in advance. At a time when neighboring powers are increasingly integrating space assets into military strategy, such rapid-launch capability is more than a technological achievement. It serves as a strategic national security tool and a symbol of space sovereignty. The ability to launch satellites on short notice gives a country flexibility in responding to crises and replacing damaged or disabled space assets. This security logic helps explain why advanced space nations continue to maintain solid-fuel launch vehicles despite recurring criticism over cost and efficiency. One of the clearest examples is the Epsilon rocket developed by the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA). Although Japan possesses the H3, one of the world's most advanced large liquid-fuel rockets, it has not abandoned solid-fuel launch systems. Epsilon is closely associated with technologies relevant to long-range missile capabilities and relies heavily on automation. Launch operations can be conducted by relatively small teams using streamlined procedures. JAXA has long promoted Epsilon as a low-cost launcher, but its strategic significance extends far beyond economics. The rocket's real value lies in deterrence. It functions as an invisible shield, strengthening Japan's ability to respond rapidly to security challenges and discouraging potential provocations from neighboring states. Europe's Vega program provides another example. Although the newer Vega-C has experienced repeated failures associated with solid-motor control systems, Europe has not abandoned the project. The determination reflects a desire to preserve independent access to space rather than depend entirely on the United States for the launch of security-related assets. Around the world, solid-fuel rockets continue to be maintained not because they are commercially attractive but because they are regarded as strategic national assets. Korea must nevertheless confront a difficult reality. Military value does not automatically translate into competitiveness in the global commercial space market. The New Space era is increasingly defined by constellations of hundreds or even thousands of small satellites operating in low-Earth orbit. In this market, solid-fuel rockets face inherent limitations. Japan's Epsilon costs more than $30 million per launch, resulting in a cost per kilogram that is difficult to justify commercially. Compared to the dramatic cost reductions achieved by reusable launch systems, relying on solid-fuel rockets to build large commercial satellite constellations is economically inefficient. Environmental concerns are even more serious. China and India have launche...

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo. Former President Roh Tae-woo agreed after the three-party merger to pursue a constitutional revision establishing a parliamentary cabinet system with Kim Young-sam and Kim Jong-pil. When political adviser Lee Hong-koo learned of the plan through a scoop by then JoongAng Ilbo reporter Park Bo-kyoon on May 29, 1990, he objected directly to the president. According to the biography "Lee Hong-koo" by Kim Hak-joon, Lee argued that Roh's greatest political asset was the June 29 Declaration, which promised direct presidential elections. Abandoning that principle would betray the public and discard the foundation of Roh's political legitimacy. Though personally supportive of a parliamentary system, Lee believed constitutional change should not be pursued through a secret political bargain. The proposal ultimately collapsed amid strong opposition from Kim Young-sam. The episode offers a lesson as President Lee Jae Myung approaches the first anniversary of his inauguration. His approval ratings remain stable in the 60 percent range. By emphasizing pragmatic centrism and maintaining close attention to state affairs, he has secured broad public support. The ruling camp's local election strategy has effectively become, "We have Lee Jae Myung." Yet a serious political threat looms: efforts to cancel criminal prosecutions involving the president. On April 30, the Democratic Party leadership introduced the Special Counsel Act on Investigating Allegedly Fabricated Indictments by Yoon Suk Yeol's Political Prosecutors. Under the proposal, a special counsel appointed by President Lee would have authority to withdraw prosecutions. The opposition has condemned the bill as allowing a suspect to appoint the investigator responsible for his own case. Critics have also described it as an unjust privilege. Concerned about public backlash, the ruling camp has delayed consideration of the measure until after the local elections. The controversy raises questions that extend beyond politics. If a special counsel backed by the legislative majority can erase cases already under trial or even finalized by the courts, many would see it as violating basic fairness. It also challenges the constitutional principle of separation of powers. Article 101 of the Constitution states that judicial authority belongs to courts composed of judges. The special counsel system was created to ensure independent investigations free from political pressure. Using such a mechanism for the benefit of a sitting president appears contrary to its original purpose. The absence of strong internal opposition within the ruling camp is striking. Had there been an adviser willing to offer the kind of candid warning once delivered by Lee Hong-koo, the administration might have avoided becoming entangled in constitutional controversy at a politically sensitive moment. The debate has also derailed broader constitutional reform efforts. A constitutional amendment jointly proposed by six parties, excluding the People Power Party (PPP), recently failed. The proposal sought to include the Bu-Ma (Busan-Masan) Democratic Protests and the spirit of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement in the Constitution's preamble while strengthening parliamentary oversight of martial law and expanding local autonomy. Few objected to those goals themselves. The problem was that the ruling party was simultaneously pursuing legislation that could nullify prosecutions involving the president. Critics argued that seeking a better Constitution while appearing unwilling to respect the current one undermined the credibility of reform efforts. The PPP's opposition therefore carried some persuasive force. A core principle of modern constitutional government is that no one should be the judge in his own case. France offers a useful example. Former President Jacques Chirac faced renewed legal proceedings after leaving office and received a suspended sentence i...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. Hanwha Ocean is entering the final stretch of its campaign for Canada's $40 billion submarine bidding, vying with Germany, amid an intensified race ahead of the announcement of the preferred bidder expected in a month. The Korean company said Sunday that it amassed strong interest from Canadian government officials and industrial magnates at CANSEC 2026, Canada's defense and security exhibition that ran for two days starting Wednesday in Ottawa, where the company spotlighted the operational capabilities of the KSS-III submarine, currently in service with the Republic of Korea Navy. The KSS-III is the world's first diesel-electric submarine to integrate both an air-independent propulsion system and lithium-ion battery technology, which is also regarded as a platform suitable for the Royal Canadian Navy's operational requirements for its future submarine fleet. Victor Fedeli, Ontario's Minister of Economic Development, visited Hanwha Ocean's booth during the exhibition, along with executives from major defense contractors like Seaspan, Irving Shipbuilding, Babcock Canada and CAE, as well as representatives from Invest Nova Scotia and the University of Waterloo. Hanwha Ocean promoted that if the Korean consortium is selected for the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project (CPSP), it could generate more than 22,500 jobs annually and contribute roughly $94 billion to Canada's GDP over the life of the program. "Defense and aerospace account for approximately 6 percent of Nova Scotia's provincial GDP, with over 17,000 skilled professionals employed in the sector," said Colton LeBlanc, Minister of Growth and Development for the province of Nova Scotia, Canada. "Any opportunity to collaborate and support your initiatives matters to us — and the door is open." Flavio Volpe, president of Canada's Automotive Parts Manufacturers' Association (APMA), also emphasized Korea's industrial cooperation with Canada during his visit to the booth on Wednesday. "We also think that this agreement between Hanwha and the APMA is a window to a bridge for further Korean-Canadian cooperation. We look forward to decades of building this country together with our Korean friends." The CPSP, aimed at replacing the Royal Canadian Navy's aging submarine fleet, calls for the acquisition of 12 submarines in the 3,000-ton class and is valued at up to 60 trillion won ($43 billion). Hanwha Ocean has advanced to the final round alongside Germany's Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems, with a decision on the preferred bidder expected in late June.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. HD Hyundai said on Sunday that it will expand its commemorative initiatives for June, the "Month of Patriots and Veterans," by honoring fallen patriots and war heroes while strengthening its supportive programs for military veterans. HD Hyundai Chairman Chung Ki-sun visited the Seoul National Cemetery on March 29, where he laid flowers and paid tribute to those who sacrificed their lives in service to the nation. Some 200 employees, including HD Construction Equipment CEO Moon Jae-youn, joined the ceremony. HD Construction Equipment on Sunday signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs to support the construction of memorial facilities honoring veterans in countries that fought under the United Nations Command during the 1950–53 Korean War. The company will also provide the construction equipment needed for the projects. The first overseas veterans memorial will be built in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, which was the only African nation to deploy ground troops in support of Korea during the Korean War. "Remembering the sacrifice and dedication of war veterans and passing their legacy on to future generations is our responsibility," Chung said. "HD Hyundai will continue to stand with those who have devoted themselves to the nation by honoring their service and preserving their memory."

This article is by Kim Su-min, Lee Young-keun, Yi Woo-lim, Noh Yu-rim and read by an artificial voice. Korea's semiconductor boom is no longer just reshaping paychecks — it is redrawing apartment maps, luxury shopping trends and even the marriage market. The traditional white-collar formula in which elite university degrees and impressive credentials lead to high salaries is giving way to the era of the "silicon collar," where even high school graduates in the production sector — formerly looked down upon as "just" blue collar — can receive performance bonuses worth hundreds of millions of won by riding the semiconductor boom. The term "silicon collar" comes from silicon, the core material used in semiconductor wafers, and refers to a new class of high-income technology workers benefiting from the boom in advanced industries such as AI and semiconductors through massive bonuses and rising assets. One noticeable change is the younger demographic of homebuyers in the Hwaseong region in Gyeonggi, especially Dongtan, which has earned the nickname "double shuttle zone" because employee commute buses for both Samsung Electronics and SK hynix — the two most sought-after companies in Korea as of now — pass through the neighborhood. "Since late last year, the age group of employees from the two companies visiting to look at homes has become noticeably younger, as young as in their late 20s," a local real estate agent stated. "SK hynix employees in their 40s have recently been signing contracts for apartments worth around 2 billion won [$1.34 million], one after another," said a real estate industry source in Bundang District, Seongnam, Gyeonggi. On May 21, the day after Samsung Electronics management and labor reached an agreement on performance bonuses, charts estimating "which neighborhoods employees could afford based on rank" already began circulating online. The charts suggested that entry-level and assistant manager employees could afford homes in Dongtan and Gwanggyo, also in Gyeonggi, while department heads could move into affluent neighborhoods such as Seocho District, southern Seoul. Corporate ranks had effectively become shorthand for housing prices. The surge in demand from semiconductor money is also pushing up home prices. Apartment prices in Suji District, Yongin, Gyeonggi, rose a cumulative 7.97 percent through the third week of May, according to weekly housing data from the Korea Real Estate Board. That is 4.6 times higher than the 1.73 percent increase recorded during the same period last year. Cumulative gains this year in Bundang District, Seongnam, reached 5.71 percent, while prices rose 5.01 percent in Giheung District, Yongin, and 4.43 percent in Yeongtong District, Suwon, all outpacing Seoul's average increase of 3.42 percent. Dongtan District in Hwaseong, Gyeonggi, also outpaced Seoul, posting cumulative apartment price gains of 3.97 percent since separate tracking began in the second week of February. Dongtan District officially became a new administrative district in February this year. The "semiconductor money" is also reshaping Korea's luxury retail landscape. "Growth at stores in southern Gyeonggi, home to the country's 'semiconductor belt,' is approaching levels seen in major luxury shopping districts such as Gangnam District, [southern Seoul], and Myeongdong, [Jung District, central Seoul]," said a department store source. Luxury jewelry sales at Shinsegae South City, a department store in Yongin, surged 192.9 percent on year in the first quarter. Similarly, the sales of luxury designer goods at Lotte Department Store's Dongtan branch rose 40 percent. Employees from Samsung Electronics and SK hynix accounted for the largest share of members in "Club Friends," a paid membership program for office workers at Hyundai Department Store's Pangyo branch. Spending by the club members rose more than 50 percent year on year in the first quarter. The trend is also affecting Korea's marriage market. Marriage...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Two years ago, girl group aespa sealed its distinctive place in K-pop with "Armageddon" (2024), a critically acclaimed full-length album that pushed the quartet's signature futuristic, sleek sound into its narrative peak. With its second full-length album, "Lemonade," aespa is squeezing a new world out of sourness — because when life gives aespa lemons, the girl group does not merely make lemonade. It squeezes harder. "'Lemonade' [the title track] is a song that best captures aespa's signature wit," said member Winter during a press conference at Sofitel Ambassador Seoul Hotel in southern Seoul on Thursday, a day before the release of its second full-length album. "There's this saying, 'when life gives you lemons, make lemonade,'" she continued. "It is one of my favorite songs because the song is our witty interpretation of that positive message." The album will mark a new chapter of the intricate storytelling woven throughout the group's discography, said Karina. "Our world building expands anew with this album," she said. "Our style has been described a lot as a 'metallic taste,' but this time, we are going with something sour, to hopefully make the summer feel more refreshing." The quartet's second full-length album, "Lemonade," arrives about two years after its first studio album, "Armageddon" and eight months after its sixth EP, "Rich Man" (2025). The album, set to be released at 1 p.m. Friday, features 10 tracks: the title track "Lemonade," the pre-release single "WDA (Whole Different Animal)" featuring G-Dragon, and B-sides "Shakin'," "Can't Help Myself," "Camouflage," "Bite," "Switchblade" featuring Ty Dolla $ign, "Roll," "My Plan" and "'Till We Die." The physical edition also includes a remix version of "Lemonade" featuring Becky G. The latest album arrives with high expectations, following the success of aespa's first full-length album, "Armageddon." The 2024 release was both a commercial and critical hit: At the 22nd Korean Music Awards — a critics-led ceremony judged by musicians and industry experts with a focus on musical quality rather than sales figures — aespa won three awards, including Song of the Year. "Our first full-length album received so much love, so we felt a lot of pressure," Karina admitted. "But we also prepared it with excitement. We discussed a lot with the company and thought hard about what kind of new side of ourselves we could show, and this album is the result of all that." aespa debuted with its first digital single, "Black Mamba," under SM Entertainment in 2020. The quartet, comprised of members Karina, Giselle, Winter and Ningning, is best known for hit songs such as "Next Level" (2021), "Spicy" (2023), "Drama" (2024), "Supernova" (2024) and "Rich Man" (2025). One of the most distinctive elements that sets aespa apart is its elaborate world-building. In the group's first chapter, which began with "Black Mamba," aespa was introduced as an act existing between the physical and virtual worlds. With "Armageddon," that narrative expanded into a multiverse, where the members encountered alternate versions of themselves. Now, with its new "Lemonade" era, aespa enters a third chapter. The members' repeated crossings between realities and parallel universes have created "complexity" — a rupture in reality itself. But aespa is not rattled by the disruption. Instead, the quartet declares that it can handle any complexity thrown its way. As self-assurance and confidence remain central to aespa's musical narrative, the members define that confidence as something rooted in staying true to oneself. "We often become very conscious of what others think, and even when we want to take charge of our own lives and do what we like and love, we hesitate a lot," said Winter. "So, we want to give people the energy to exist as themselves. I think the most important thing is knowing yourself." Coinciding with the album's release, SM Entertainm...

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. It was chaotic and unforgettable, locals say. But most importantly, it left a lasting mark, with fans continuing to flock to Busan in search of locales related to BTS while discovering the charm of the port city along the way. "I couldn't even get near the Asiad stadium [where BTS concert was held] because the area was completely packed," said Jang Kyung-ja, a veteran taxi driver who has worked in the city for more than a decade. "But I drove so many BTS fans before and after the concert who were staying for longer to look around the city." Now, nearly four years later, as BTS prepares to return to Busan for its upcoming two-day "Arirang" concert on June 12 and 13, the city is once again bracing for an influx of fans. "Is it going to be a citywide festival? Oh, I really look forward to it," Jang said with a smile. "These days, even if I don't speak English, they all use apps like Uber and all I have to do is put on a big smile. You won't believe how much a taxi driver's attitude shapes a traveler's impression of the country. I want them to leave Busan thinking it's a welcoming city and to want to come back later." Busan holds a special place for BTS fans, collectively known as ARMY. Not only has the septet held a large-scale concert in the city before, but it is also the hometown of members Jimin and Jungkook. Neighborhoods associated with the two singers' childhood and places that BTS members have visited have become pilgrimage routes for fans. "These days, there isn't a single day without an ARMY visitor," she said. "You can recognize them right away because they are wearing purple clothes or accessories. There were some claims that too many fans lining in front of our diner disturbed other businesses, but it generally feels that most merchants are welcoming them because they also leave with their hands full of something they buy at this traditional market." "We already have multiple group reservations from ARMY in June on the concert days," a staff member at the restaurant said. At Gamcheon Culture Village, one of Busan's best-known tourist attractions famous for its pastel-colored hillside houses, preparations for BTS fans were quietly underway as well. The village has long been an epicenter for ARMY activity thanks to several BTS-themed murals adorning the village's walls. On a recent Tuesday, a maintenance worker was restoring one mural depicting Jungkook and Jimin painted on the wall of a small shop. "This mural is more than seven or eight years old now, and the water-based paint has started cracking," the worker said while applying white filler to damaged areas of the mural. "We're restoring it before the June concert so fans can enjoy taking photos with it again." Once the base work is completed, an art student from Hongik University will come to repaint the mural, the worker added. With at least 100,000 fans expected to flock to Busan for the two-day concert — matching the number of tickets sold — hotel prices have surged while complaints over arbitrary reservation cancellations have spread across local tourism industry. "I'm here in Busan for vacation right now, but I'm coming back again in June for the concert," said Suhartini, a fan from Indonesia who has visited Korea six times since becoming an ARMY during the pandemic in 2021. "I am going back to Seoul immediately after the concert because I couldn't find the right accommodation." The government has pledged a full-scale effort to curb price gouging and unfair reservation cancellations while securing alternative accommodations in neighboring cities through facilities such as universities and churches. "I read news that BTS fans are saying they would not spend a penny in Busan after getting mad at price gouging and I felt really bad and ashamed," said another local taxi driver Lee Seung-nyoung, adding businesses should actively avoid such behavior for their own good.

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. Early summer in Seoul nudges people outdoors. Before long, the day becomes a choice between heading for the water or chasing the sky. In western Seoul's Yeouido, though, there is no need to choose. Instead, you can cut through the Han River aboard the Hangang Bus ferry before soaring upward on Seouldal, the city's giant tethered hot-air balloon. After arriving at the Hangang Bus's Jamsil dock in Songpa District, southern Seoul, on a Tuesday, the wide-open Han River stretched out before the eyes. With 10 minutes left before departure, people were already waiting excitedly on the platform as the ferry, capable of carrying up to 199 people, slowly pulled in. Launched last September to expand public transportation beyond land, Hangang Bus is a river-based ferry service connecting seven stops along the Han River: Jamsil, Ttukseom, Oksu, Apgujeong, Yeouido, Mangwon and Magok. Although the service was introduced as an affordable form of everyday transportation, it is increasingly becoming one of Seoul's must-try attractions, with many passengers, from locals to foreign tourists, treating it more as a sightseeing experience. "It's really nice traveling on the river," said Cristtel Ramirez, who was taking photos with her friends on the ferry's deck. "I'm having a really relaxing time." Beyond the scenic views, what surprised her the most was the ticket price. "In my country [Mexico], it would cost a lot more," she said. The ride costs a maximum of 3,000 won ($2) and becomes cheaper if a person needs to transfer on their way. On another part of the deck, Yang Jin-kyung was filming a TikTok to a song by the boy band Cortis. "I didn't come planning to film," Yang said. "But the scenery was so nice that I decided to anyway. It's fun but a little scary to go under bridges." More than 270,000 people have used the Hangang Bus service so far, with daily ridership now averaging around 2,000 passengers, according to the Seoul Tourism Organization. After experiencing operational issues during its early months, one of the two routes was temporarily suspended, but both have been running normally since March. Few passengers have boarded the ferry for its original intended purpose. Lee Nu-rim boarded alone at Apgujeong while heading home to Yeouido during a break from his military service. "I saw it online and thought that it looked fun, and the route happened to line up with my way home," he explained. Still, he was unsure whether he would use it regularly as a means of transportation. "It's definitely worth trying once for the experience, but I don't know if I'd ride it often." Part of the hesitation comes from the travel time. The ferry, moving at roughly 29 kilometers (18 miles) per hour, takes about 1 hour and 20 minutes from Jamsil to Yeouido dock. On the subway, that journey takes about 40 minutes. But for those hoping to enjoy Seoul's iconic river without spending much, the ferry's slower pace is part of its charm. The Hangang Bus currently runs two round-trip routes — Yeouido-Jamsil and Yeouido-Magok — with 16 ferries operating daily from 10 a.m. to 8:27 p.m. Single tickets can be purchased at ticket machines located at each dock. Just a 15-minute walk from the Yeouido dock awaits another of Seoul's hottest attractions: Seouldal, a giant moon-shaped balloon floating 130 meters (426.5 feet) above the city. For a tourist named Militia and her boyfriend, it was the very first thing that they wanted to do in Seoul. "We just arrived last night," the German visitor said. "I'm excited to see the city view and all the tall buildings." Located in the heart of Yeouido Park, Seouldal lifts visitors into the sky for 15 minutes at a time. During the ride, passengers can see the Han River, dozens of skyscrapers and the National Assembly Building, with even Jamsil's Lotte World Tower visible in the distance for a truly panoramic view of the capital. Another equally beautiful scene unfo...

Na Sung-in The author is a music critic and director of the classical music brand Poongwoldang. Leonard Bernstein was one of the greatest conductors of the 20th century. With his wide repertoire, versatility and original yet disciplined interpretations, he was often seen as a rival to Herbert von Karajan. But the two projected very different images. Karajan was known for his stern and almost mystical charisma, while Bernstein appeared polished, relaxed and approachable. His television appearances also made him more familiar to the public. The media frequently compared the two conductors, turning their rivalry into a cultural topic of its own. The symbolic contrast between the Berlin Philharmonic and the New York Philharmonic added to such comparisons, and after Bernstein established himself in Vienna, the comparison shifted to the Berlin Philharmonic and the Vienna Philharmonic. If Karajan was admired above all for opera, Bernstein built a strong reputation as an interpreter of composers and contemporary music. If Karajan was like an emperor, Bernstein was like a rabbi. He possessed broad humanistic knowledge and never lost his wit or humor. Watching him rehearse with young people often felt like watching an elder reading from the Talmud. Through conversation, questions and attentive listening, he knew how to turn learning into something enjoyable. The clearest example of Bernstein's gifts as an educator was the "Young People's Concerts" (1958), broadcast on CBS in the United States in 52 episodes from 1958 to 1972. Through the series, Bernstein constantly introduced young audiences to unfamiliar music. He presented works by Jean Sibelius, Igor Stravinsky, Paul Hindemith and Dmitri Shostakovich as major programs, while also introducing contemporary American composers such as Aaron Copland and Roy Harris. The program also provided opportunities for young musicians, including Claudio Abbado, Lynn Harrell and Kim Young Uck. Broadcast nationwide on television, the series had enormous influence. It not only raised the cultural awareness of ordinary Americans but also inspired the next generation of musicians. What is a true teacher? Perhaps it is someone who first falls in love and then teaches others how to love as well. Bernstein used his fame as a media star to share his love of music with the public. In that sense, he was not only a conductor but also a genuine teacher and educator. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. "We are fortunate that the United States is checking China, giving Korean companies more time." The comment came from Kwon Oh-hyun, a former Samsung Electronics chair who led the company's semiconductor rise. His point was clear: Korea's current semiconductor boom is not solely the result of domestic competitiveness, nor is there any guarantee it will last. He is not wrong. China has already caught up with Korea in many key industries including home appliances, electric vehicles, batteries, steel and petrochemicals. Semiconductors remain one of the few sectors where Korea still holds an advantage. Yet even in that industry, Samsung Electronics and SK hynix recently faced controversy over enormous performance bonuses linked to soaring profits from the global AI boom. The issue extends far beyond the companies themselves. Bonus systems tied to a fixed percentage of operating profit are rapidly spreading across the industry. More importantly, the situation raises broader questions about whether the Korean economy remains structurally healthy. The first issue concerns the future. In highly competitive advanced industries, it is difficult to find examples of companies promising workers a long-term share of operating profits while fighting for technological survival. Samsung reportedly agreed to maintain such a system for a decade. According to securities industry estimates, if Samsung continues generating the expected profits, the company could pay more than 120 trillion won ($80 billion) in bonuses over the next three years under a formula allocating 10.5 percent of business performance to employees. For some memory chip division workers, payouts could exceed 2 billion won per person. That amount is comparable to Samsung's total research and development (R&D) spending over the past four years. The question is whether the company can continue maintaining its technological lead while distributing such a large share of profits internally. Global technology firms such as Google and Meta, along with Chinese competitors, are aggressively increasing investment even through external financing. History offers few examples of companies maintaining top-tier competitiveness after prioritizing the distribution of boom-time profits over future investment. The second issue involves shareholders. In principle, the owners of a corporation are its shareholders. Yet little attention appears to have been paid to their interests during negotiations that institutionalized massive employee bonuses tied to operating profits. Shareholders could argue that dividend returns have effectively been reduced, while resources available for future R&D and facility investment have also declined. The debate expanded further when Kim Young-hoon, minister of employment and labor, publicly referred to the idea of "sharing excess profits." Even the term "excess profits" is controversial. More fundamentally, the notion that the government should intervene in determining how corporate profits are distributed raises questions about compatibility with market principles. The third issue concerns the balance of power between labor and management. The decisive leverage in Samsung's negotiations was the threat of a strike. The possibility that a union could halt semiconductor production shocked not only management but also the public. Reports suggested direct and indirect losses from a strike could exceed 100 trillion won, yet the union appeared undeterred. Management clearly bears responsibility for failing to establish a compensation system that employees considered fair. Yet from the beginning, the company faced a negotiation it could hardly afford to lose because any strike had to be avoided at all costs. When unions are unconcerned about financial damage, reputational harm or broader economic consequences, negotiations naturally tilt in their favor. For that reason, labor laws traditionally limit the condit...

The author is a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy and a former president of Seoul National University. Samsung Electronics narrowly avoided a strike after reaching a last-minute agreement with its labor union over performance bonuses. Policymakers and the public, who had worried about a disruption at a semiconductor plant central to Korea's industrial base, expressed relief. Because Samsung's memory chips are essential to the rapidly expanding AI industry, foreign media closely monitored the negotiations and quickly reported news of the settlement. It may have been the first time developments at a Korean company drew such intense global attention, reflecting the country's growing role as a major player in the world economy. Yet once the negotiations ended, broader questions quickly emerged, suggesting that the agreement was only a temporary compromise rather than a fundamental solution. One criticism came from shareholders. They argued that surplus corporate profits belong not to employees, who receive guaranteed wages regardless of corporate performance, but to shareholders who invested while bearing the risk of failure. From the perspective of capitalism, the argument carries some logic. Others questioned whether Samsung's massive profits were truly the result of the company's efforts alone. Over many years, the government supported the semiconductor industry through infrastructure investments such as roads and electricity, while also funding advanced work force training and national research and development programs. Some also argued that subcontractors providing high-quality services at low cost deserved a share of the gains. Critics countered that such issues should be addressed through taxation and corporate contracts, but many still sympathize with those concerns. The dispute began after forecasts suggested Samsung Electronics could post more than 300 trillion won ($200 billion) in operating profits this year due to global investment in AI infrastructure. That figure is more than 40 percent of Korea's national budget and is roughly five times Samsung's previous record operating profit. Employees naturally wanted a portion of the gains and demanded bonuses tied to operating profits, following models adopted by competitors. However, the potential payouts — reportedly as high as 600 million won for some semiconductor division employees — triggered broader concerns about fairness. Many questioned whether it was reasonable for workers at a single company to receive payouts that ordinary small-business employees could not earn even after a decade of work. Skepticism deepened because the profits did not stem from a dramatic technological breakthrough unique to Samsung, but rather from a favorable industrial cycle fueled by global AI demand. In many ways, the dispute may represent an early sign of future conflicts to come. The strike threat and its aftermath can be seen as a "future that arrived early," not a one-time event. As AI industries expand, economic cycles are likely to fluctuate more rapidly, while the winner-takes-all nature of the technology sector may concentrate enormous profits in a small number of companies. Today, global AI development is led by major technology firms, but many analysts predict that only a few dominant companies will ultimately survive. When competition narrows and markets become concentrated, an important question emerges: Will those firms distribute their profits fairly across society? Under current social norms and institutions, the answer may well be "no." The behavior of some technology leaders, including Elon Musk, suggests that the pursuit of immense wealth and influence often outweighs broader social concerns. That reality points toward the need for institutional reform. Existing systems were designed around economic structures and social conditions of the past. But the AI era is likely to transform society in ways fundamentally different from earlier industrial changes....

Differences between South Korea and the United States over the transfer of wartime operational control, or Opcon, are becoming increasingly visible. Seoul's Ministry of National Defense recently denied media reports claiming that U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) had expressed concerns over the creation of a future combined command led by a South Korean general and had even mentioned the possible dissolution of the current Combined Forces Command. The ministry stated that "there has been no proposal to change existing agreements." Yet regardless of the government's explanation, continued signals from Washington and within USFK suggest that the two allies still hold notable differences in how they view the timing and conditions of the Opcon transfer. According to recent reports, the U.S. military internally believes the conditions for the transfer may not be fully met until after 2029. Seoul, meanwhile, is moving more quickly and has indicated that it hopes to clarify the timeline beginning with this autumn's Security Consultative Meeting between the allies. The transfer itself is ultimately a direction South Korea is expected to pursue. South Korea's military capabilities have grown significantly over the years, and few would deny that the armed forces are far stronger than in the past. President Lee Jae Myung's recent remark that "there would be no problem even if Opcon were transferred tomorrow" reflected that confidence. Still, concerns from the United States continue to emerge. USFK commander Gen. Xavier Brunson said during a U.S. House hearing last month that the allies would continue pursuing a "conditions-based Opcon transition." At the same time, he emphasized that "there is no need to rush" the transfer before those conditions are fully satisfied. Brunson also warned that "political expediency should not get ahead of the conditions." The comment appeared to reflect concern that Seoul may be placing political objectives ahead of a careful assessment of military readiness, regardless of South Korea's actual operational capabilities. Any transfer of wartime operational control requires agreement with the United States. That makes mutual trust within the South Korea-U.S. alliance essential. The allies are currently conducting phased evaluations on whether key conditions have been met, including the future combined command's operational capability, South Korea ability to respond to North Korean nuclear and missile threats and the stability of the broader security environment. Ultimately, the issue comes down to whether South Korea possesses the deterrence and operational capacity needed to conduct an actual war. Security policy directly affects the lives of citizens, making sober judgment more important than political enthusiasm. The success or failure of the Opcon transfer will depend not on political speed but on calm verification of military capabilities and unwavering trust within the alliance. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. The ministry newly included export figures from lifestyle industries such as K-beauty, K-food and K-fashion, while excluding sales from e-commerce and overlapping sectors. "There were adjustment that needed to be made in how we define K-culture. The categorization wasn't refined in the previous version," said Culture Minister Chae Hwi-young in a news conference held Thursday, marking the first anniversary of the Lee Jae Myung administration. "Exports of K-food, beauty and fashion were clearly reflection of overseas demand created because of K-culture. So we included them." Chae adjusted the goal for export figures as well. When exports from lifestyle industries are included, K-culture exports would rank third in 2025 among Korea's industries after semiconductors and automobiles, according to Chae. Under the adjusted definition of K-culture, its exports came at $71.8 billion last year while that of semiconductors and autos came at $173.4 billion and $72 billion, respectively. The ministry raised its export target for 2030 from $35 billion to $110 billion. Questions remain over how the newly added sectors will be coordinated with other ministries, as K-food and K-beauty are already overseen by different government bodies. "Whether the newly defined concept of K-culture will be officially recognized or remain a conceptual definition within the ministry requires further discussion with relevant ministries," Chae said. Chae emphasized that his governing for the past year focused on making site visits. "The first year was focused on normalizing what was not normal," the minister said. "The previous administration came to a halt due to an unfortunate incident, and it was urgent to address the mistakes and side effects that followed. We strengthened communication with people in the field, and after becoming minister, I made 270 site visits." Fanomenom, a large-scale K-pop festival planned by the ministry, will become a major pillar of expanding the K-culture boom. It will include an award ceremony and is scheduled to launch by December, 2027, the minister said. The project, conceived as a Korean version of Coachella, is being promoted by the Presidential Committee on Popular Culture Exchange, co-chaired by Chae and Park Jin-young from JYP Entertainment. All four major K-pop agencies in Korea are expected to participate. Beginning in spring 2028, a global K-pop tour is also scheduled to launch with stops planned in major cities worldwide. "There will be more details at around summer this year," Chae said.

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. As Korea grapples with changing demographics and a post-pandemic tourism boom, public libraries and municipal spaces are aggressively expanding their multilingual book collections. Driven in part by the country's ongoing "text-hip" trend — where reading is embraced as a fashionable lifestyle — the broader policy shift aims to foster a more inclusive environment for international students, expatriates and tourists by ensuring access to publications in their native languages. For Seven, a 21-year-old from the United States, who asked to be named only by her first name, libraries are a mandatory stop whenever she travels. Having previously worked at a library back home, she views these public spaces as a unique lens for experiencing local culture while also seeking a comforting sense of familiarity. "I always try to look at the library when visiting a city in a new area," Seven said while walking around the newly opened Yeouido Brighten Library in Yeongdeungpo District, western Seoul, on Friday afternoon. "I looked through the [English] books here, and there were far more than I expected." Local authorities are steadily increasing foreign-language acquisitions in traditional brick-and-mortar facilities, while municipal flagship programs, such as the Seoul Outdoor Library initiatives, are intentionally placing multilingual texts into the hands of international visitors. According to data from the National Library Statistics System, Korea's public libraries have aggressively scaled up their overseas collections over the past decade — from 3.3 million in 2015 to 6.9 million in 2025 — to meet shifting demands, with nationwide visitors per public library averaging 173,593 last year, a significant recovery from 115,016 in 2021. English-friendly hub in Yeouido Despite having opened its doors less than a month ago on April 28, the pristine, sunlit halls of the Yeouido Brighten Library were packed on Friday afternoon. The crowd spanned generations, from energetic kindergartners to financial professionals taking a break from the surrounding corporate buildings. Located in an underground space covering approximately 3,305 square meters (35,583 square feet) in the heart of Seoul's financial hub, the library features a distinct layout. Rather than isolating foreign books to a distant corner, English titles are integrated directly alongside Korean volumes. There was also a dedicated zone for English fiction and nonfiction curated with literary quotes and photographs. "When we first opened, we started with around 5,400 English books out of a total collection of some 27,000," a Yeongdeungpo District Office official told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "That number is continually growing as we purchase more volumes." According to library data, roughly 3,000 of these English titles are targeted at adults, while the remainder are aimed at younger readers in a specialized children's zone called the English Kids' Cafe. While books in languages other than English are not currently displayed on the shelves, the district office noted that visitors can request specific international titles via an online procurement system on its website. Between its opening day and the third week of May, the library drew around 70,000 visitors. While primarily serving residents, it has become a popular midday destination for office workers and weekend crowds filtering in from nearby landmarks like The Hyundai Seoul and Yeouido Hangang Park. An 'accidental encounter' for tourists For short-term tourists and international residents looking for an outdoor experience, the Seoul Metropolitan Government's Seoul Outdoor Library project has become a major seasonal fixture. This year, city organizers boosted the proportion of foreign-language books across the outdoor venues to 20 percent of the total display, doubling last year's 10 percent allocation. Notably, the selection extends well beyond English to include Ja...

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. As Korea grapples with changing demographics and a post-pandemic tourism boom, public libraries and municipal spaces are aggressively expanding their multilingual book collections. Driven in part by the country's ongoing "text-hip" trend — where reading is embraced as a fashionable lifestyle — the broader policy shift aims to foster a more inclusive environment for international students, expatriates and tourists by ensuring access to publications in their native languages. For Seven, a 21-year-old from the United States, who asked to be named only by her first name, libraries are a mandatory stop whenever she travels. Having previously worked at a library back home, she views these public spaces as a unique lens for experiencing local culture while also seeking a comforting sense of familiarity. "I always try to look at the library when visiting a city in a new area," Seven said while walking around the newly opened Yeouido Brighten Library in Yeongdeungpo District, western Seoul, on Friday afternoon. "I looked through the [English] books here, and there were far more than I expected." Local authorities are steadily increasing foreign-language acquisitions in traditional brick-and-mortar facilities, while municipal flagship programs, such as the Seoul Outdoor Library initiatives, are intentionally placing multilingual texts into the hands of international visitors. According to data from the National Library Statistics System, Korea's public libraries have aggressively scaled up their overseas collections over the past decade — from 3.3 million in 2015 to 6.9 million in 2025 — to meet shifting demands, with nationwide visitors per public library averaging 173,593 last year, a significant recovery from 115,016 in 2021. English-friendly hub in Yeouido Despite having opened its doors less than a month ago on April 28, the pristine, sunlit halls of the Yeouido Brighten Library were packed on Friday afternoon. The crowd spanned generations, from energetic kindergartners to financial professionals taking a break from the surrounding corporate buildings. Located in an underground space covering approximately 3,305 square meters (35,583 square feet) in the heart of Seoul's financial hub, the library features a distinct layout. Rather than isolating foreign books to a distant corner, English titles are integrated directly alongside Korean volumes. There was also a dedicated zone for English fiction and nonfiction curated with literary quotes and photographs. "When we first opened, we started with around 5,400 English books out of a total collection of some 27,000," a Yeongdeungpo District Office official told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "That number is continually growing as we purchase more volumes." According to library data, roughly 3,000 of these English titles are targeted at adults, while the remainder are aimed at younger readers in a specialized children's zone called the English Kids' Cafe. While books in languages other than English are not currently displayed on the shelves, the district office noted that visitors can request specific international titles via an online procurement system on its website. Between its opening day and the third week of May, the library drew around 70,000 visitors. While primarily serving residents, it has become a popular midday destination for office workers and weekend crowds filtering in from nearby landmarks like The Hyundai Seoul and Yeouido Hangang Park. An 'accidental encounter' for tourists For short-term tourists and international residents looking for an outdoor experience, the Seoul Metropolitan Government's Seoul Outdoor Library project has become a major seasonal fixture. This year, city organizers boosted the proportion of foreign-language books across the outdoor venues to 20 percent of the total display, doubling last year's 10 percent allocation. Notably, the selection extends well beyond English to include Ja...

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice. [KOREAN CRIME FILES #19] Behind the glitz and glamour seen in pop culture, Korea's grimmest and most harrowing crime stories, some more well-known than others, continue to haunt society today. The Korea JoongAng Daily takes a deep dive into some of these stories, sharing a glimpse into the darker side of society as well as the most up-to-date known facts. — Ed. On the night of Dec. 9, 2009, Coast Guard officials boarded a fishing boat returning to port in Taean County, South Chungcheong, and surrounded a man on deck. "Freeze! Put your hands up!" one officer shouted. The officials stormed onto the vessel and began searching, expecting to uncover bags of cash or drugs. Instead, they found a passport left behind. When they opened it, they saw a name that stunned them. It belonged to Cho Hee-pal, the mastermind behind what remains Korea's largest Ponzi scheme. But the discovery came too late. Cho had already fled to China. How the scheme worked Cho's fraud operation, which preyed on ordinary people seeking financial security, stole an estimated 5 trillion won ($3.4 billion) from 70,000 victims. Cho launched his business empire in 2004, opening multiple companies across the country, starting in Daegu. On the surface, the business seemed legitimate. Investors were told they were leasing health devices, such as massage chairs, to be installed in places like hair salons and motels, where customers would pay to use them. Cho's company promised to manage the machines and distribute profits to investors. The targets were often vulnerable: retirees, unemployed workers and people still struggling in the aftermath of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The returns sounded irresistible. For every machine purchased, investors were promised an average daily dividend of 35,000 won. An initial investment of 4.4 million won would return 5.81 million won after just eight months — an annual yield of roughly 48 percent. At the time, average bank interest rates hovered around 4 percent. And remarkably, the dividends arrived exactly on time every single day for four years. That consistency built trust. But the machines themselves generated little real profit. The dividends were being paid using money from new investors. It was a classic Ponzi scheme. As more people joined, more money flowed in. And as long as new investments continued, Cho could keep paying old investors. Until he couldn't. The runaway Cho knew the collapse was coming. Three months before his disappearance, he began preparing for a carefully orchestrated escape. He announced to investors that dividend payments would no longer be recorded in their bankbooks. Instead, they would receive text message notifications, and anyone wishing to claim their earnings could visit the office in person. Then he added a curious warning, "Don't tell other companies. They'll copy us." Every morning at 8:30 a.m., investors received text messages confirming their dividend payments. They were all fake. At the same time, Cho urged people to invest even more, warning that profit rates would soon decline. Victims poured in everything they had: their dividend earnings, retirement savings, marriage funds and even bank loans. By then, Cho's network had expanded to around 80 offices nationwide, including shell companies that existed only on paper. Then, at the height of the scheme, the offices suddenly shut down. Phones went unanswered. When police raided Cho's headquarters, they found it empty. Everyone involved had vanished, and all critical records had been removed. The mysterious whereabouts Police requested an Interpol Red Notice, but Cho had disappeared. According to an acquaintance who was unknowingly recruited to help with his escape, Cho boarded the boat carrying nothing but a small pouch. Investigators suspect it contained records of hidden assets and a list of officials he had bribed. Those suspicions were not unfounded. In May 2009, ...

This article is by Woo Ji-won, Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. BUSAN — On June 25, 1950, the sound of gunfire from the North shattered the dawn, forcing the South Korean government and civilians away from the battlefront. Many of those who fled Seoul eventually reached Busan, located at the southern tip of the Korean Peninsula, and the city ultimately became their refuge. Thus began Busan's 1,023 days as South Korea's provincial capital. Beginning on Aug. 18, 1950, the city transformed into the nation's political, economic and cultural hub and sheltered public officials and intellectuals, as well as many other displaced men, women and children from across the peninsula. By 1951, the city's population had swelled to more than 840,000, nearly double its prewar population of around 470,000. "Busan, as a wartime capital, maintained state functions while protecting civilians and communities. It also practiced global cooperation and solidarity," said Ahn Young-shin, the director of the Cultural Heritage Division of the Busan metropolitan government, at the former U.S. Embassy building — now serving as an annex of the Busan Modern & Contemporary History Museum — on Tuesday. "It also speaks to the present day's humanity, as the world struggles with various conflicts, such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine, military clashes in the Middle East, refugees displaced by environmental problems and so on. In that sense, [...] Busan is not just a war heritage but an example of how a city and a community operated and maintained themselves in the event of war." The government is now seeking to preserve that legacy by pursuing Unesco World Heritage status for a collection of 11 historic sites tied to Busan's role as the temporary capital during the 1950-53 Korean War. Together, the sites show how Busan continued to function as a city while embracing global solidarity, even under harsh and dire circumstances. Moreover, they offer a timely reflection on today's world, which is still marked by conflict, hatred and violence. Pier 1 of Busan Port Quiet neighborhoods near present-day Seoul suddenly descended into chaos in June 1950, when North Korea launched a surprise invasion across the 38th parallel, forcing civilians and soldiers alike to flee. Some crossed rivers or hopped on carts and freight trains to escape. Others boarded ships or walked for months until they arrived in Busan. As a result, Pier 1 of Busan Port eventually became a landing point for displaced Koreans, as well as for United Nations soldiers, military supplies and humanitarian aid. The port also served as a key source of employment during the war, providing refugees with much-needed income. Pier 1 is preparing for another transformation: The site of its old warehouses is set to become "Global Startup Hub Busan," an innovation center for startups, investors and research institutions, scheduled to open sometime next year. Temporary government complex Following the fall of Seoul, the temporary government complex in Busan, originally the government office of Seo District in South Gyeongsang, became the government's final refuge after brief stops in Daejeon and Daegu. It was here that the country began to regroup and rebuild itself. Ministries and government agencies made key political and economic decisions inside this building, which served as the heart of a machine that would bring the nation back to life. Today, the building is used as a museum operated by Dong-A University. Temporary presidential residence Until the Korean War Armistice Agreement was signed in July 1953, then-South Korean President Syngman Rhee stayed and worked at a two-story redbrick building, originally the residence of the governor of South Gyeongsang. Diplomatic, policy and UN meetings took place at this temporary presidential residence, and Rhee also made decisions here that would alter the fate of the country at a time when the nation was as fragile as a candle flame. After opening its ...